By Prof. Alemayehu G. Mariam

An open Thank You note to H.E. Prime Minister Dr. Abiy Ahmed

Dear Prime Minster Abiy:

For over a decade, I have used the last of my weekly commentaries to catalogue the crimes against humanity, the corruption and abuses of power that occurred in  Ethiopia during the year.

But not this year.

This year is very special for me.

2018 is a year of gratitude.

I believe I resonate the feelings of millions of Ethiopians in my expressions of gratitude to the Almighty first and to all of the young Ethiopians who, through their blood, sweat and tears, managed to liberate Ethiopia from the iron clutches of ethnic apartheid.

I also believe millions of Ethiopians share my expressions of gratitude to you and The Team for toiling behind the scenes for years to root out ethnic hate, religious bigotry and social division in Ethiopia.

PM Abiy, when the Ethiopian Diaspora Trust Fund (EDTF) broke the USD$1 million last week, you expressed gratitude to all Ethiopians scattered throughout the world “for having kept our word”, our promise.

When you have been doing all of the heavy lifting over the past 8 months, and millions of us in the diaspora could not lift a dollar a day to support the EDTF, I am not sure we deserve such overwhelming gratitude from you.

But I humbly accept your magnanimous expression of gratitude as the chairperson of EDTF on behalf of the Ethiopian Diaspora.

But I would like to tell you, in the poetic words of Robert Frost, we Diaspora Ethiopians know we “have promises to keep, And miles to go before we sleep, And miles to go before we sleep.” For the work of EDTF has only just begun!

I have written this personal note as an expression of my personal gratitude for all you have done for Ethiopia over the past eight months.

I also belatedly thank you and so many others for your collective labor of love as  unknown and unsung heroes toiling invisibly for years to bring the people of Ethiopia into an age of unity, multiparty democracy and the rule of law.

Perhaps you may wonder why I should write a public personal note of thanks to you.

It is because I hear and read few expressions of gratitude for your monumental, unrivalled and historic achievements in just the few months you have been in office.

I do not want to admit it but it pains me to see that those who most admire and honor your achievements in glowing terms are not your compatriots.

Here are just a few examples.

In July, Herman Cohen, former U.S. Assistant Secretary for African Affairs twitted, “For the first time in my professional life, I am nominating someone for the Nobel Peace Prize: Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. If he brings multiparty democracy to #Ethiopia, the entire Horn of Africa will be transformed for the better.”

I am certain you will bring multiparty democracy to Ethiopia and the Nobel Prize will come to you. Mark my words!

In August, Black Star News declared, “Dr. Abiy Ahmed is a legitimate Nobel Peace Prize candidate.” I think you know my views on that.

The Financial Times wrote “Abiy Ahmed may be the most popular politician in Africa” and called you, “Ethiopia’s Mandela”. I think I said that first.

The New York Times says Abiy Ahmed is the “most closely watched leader in Africa.”

The Economist has been trying to figure out why “Ethiopians are going wild for Abiy Ahmed.”

Al Jazeera wondered if Abiy Ahmed is the real thing: “Are Ethiopians blinded by Abiymania?”

Two weeks ago, African Leadership Magazine declared you “2018 African of the Year”.

Just a few days ago, BBC reported, “Abiy Ahmed has been doing the seemingly impossible ever since he unexpectedly became prime minister of Ethiopia in April.” He has done the “equivalent of making the sun rise from the west.”

The sun rising from the west?!

In August, CNN tried to explain “Why Ethiopians believe their new prime minister is a prophet”.

Today, CNN wrote, “Abiy Ahmed: The Ethiopian Prime Minister who captured Africa’s imagination.”

What did we, your people, write about you?

Suffice it to say, “A prophet has no honor in his own country and among his people.”

There are those who are quick to criticize you and insist that you walk on water before they even acknowledge your work let alone express their appreciation.

They demand that, at least if you cannot walk on water, you must solve all of Ethiopia’s problems overnight but no less than eight months.

I call your carping critics “nabobs of negativism”.

They are a bunch of feckless and self-righteous windbags and busybodies who are nothing more than empty barrels. I ignore them with contempt.

I must tell you that it really bothers me why your compatriots, particularly those in the learned and professional communities, withhold their gratitude and appreciation for your extraordinary accomplishments.

That has puzzled me for some time.

I am told public expression of gratitude and appreciation for a job well done is not part of “our Ethiopian tradition”.

I am told Ethiopians generally do not publicly and enthusiastically express gratitude they fear being perceived as “weak”. Others withhold gratitude because of personal “envy”.

Someone once gave me a curious explanation. “Ethiopians express their gratitude in silence.”

That impresses me as wrapping a beautiful gift for someone but never giving it.

Of course, I do not believe any of these explanations because they suggest we are an ungrateful nation.

I must tell you that in the land where I spent nearly one-half century, gratitude is a highly cherished value. It is a hallowed tradition.

To me, gratitude is the most important virtue in life.

I am a grateful person by nature.

When I celebrated Thanksgiving with my family last month, I told them during the invocation blessings that I must be the most thankful person on the planet.

I am so grateful to so many who helped me along my path in life.

I am so grateful to those who helped us raise donations for EDTF.

When I express gratitude, I feel good.

I get joy when I express gratitude to you for your extraordinary achievements and unparalleled service to Ethiopia over the past eight months.

Truth be told, my public expression of gratitude for your historic and monumental achievements washes away the anger, the bitterness, the resentment, the sadness, the despair, and the heartache I carried for the past 13 years after I joined the Ethiopian human rights movement.

I have been accused, from time to time, of never, ever having said a good word about the previous ethnic apartheid regime or it leaders. “How come you never say one good thing for the economic development and double-digit growth they brought about?”

I came to Ethiopia in September. I saw their double-digit growth. I laughed and then I cried.

I cried because as I traveled throughout the countryside, I found out first-hand the vast majority of the people did not have clean water to drink.

The schools I saw were a mockery of education. The youth I talked to were regretful of the lack of educational and employment opportunities.

And they talk about double-digit growth.

The arrogance of the ignorant!

The fact of the matter is I do not thank or express appreciation to murderers, torturers, thieves, criminals against humanity, haters and abusers of power and in general for Princes of Darkness.

But, PM Abiy, for over a decade, my year-end commentaries were tales of woe, heartache and tragedy in Ethiopia. They were  chronicles of corruption and gross abuses of human rights in Ethiopia.

But not 2018!

This year, PM Abiy, marks, to paraphrase Shakespeare, the end of “the winter of our discontent/Made glorious summer by this sun (son) of Ethiopia/And all the clouds that lour’d upon our house/In the deep bosom of the ocean buried.”

Nine months ago, I along with millions of Ethiopians were in deep despair as the cloud of civil war and strife lowered on our House of Ethiopia.

Nine months ago, I saw a vision of darkness at noon in Ethiopia.

Nine months ago, I saw no light but the darkness of hate engulfing Ethiopia.

Nine months ago, I was in the pit of despair. I was convinced it was The End for Ethiopia.

Nine months ago, I mulled and brooded over the wisdom of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.: “Darkness cannot drive out darkness: only light can do that. Hate cannot drive out hate: only love can do that.”

Nine months ago, I saw no exit for a nation trapped in ethnic apartheid.

Then a miracle happened, because that is the only way I, and millions of others, can explain it.

To me it was a prophesy fulfilled: “Ethiopia shall soon stretch out her hands unto God.”

But princes did not come out of Egypt.

They came out of Ethiopia itself.

Ethiopia was lifted from the abyss and raised to new heights.

In 2018, the sun of freedom shone brightly on 27 years of darkness.

Thank God, the evil ethnic apartheid system that lasted for 27 long years in Ethiopia is now buried not in the ocean, but in the very mantle of the earth.

PM Abiy, as I read my words from my December 29, 2009 commentary (“Groundhog Year in Prison Nation Ethiopia”, in December 2018, I am overwhelmed by a sense of gratitude to the point “my cup runneth over.”

Back then I wrote:

2008 in Ethiopia was Groundhog Year! It was a repetition of 2007, 2006,  2005, 2004… Everyday millions of Ethiopians woke up only to find themselves trapped in a time loop where their lives replayed like a broken record. Each “new” day is the same as the one before it: Repression, intimidation, corruption, incarceration, deception, brutalization and human rights violation. Everything that happened to them the previous day, the previous week, the previous month, the previous 18 years happens to them today. They are resigned to the fact that they are doomed to spend the rest of their lives asphyxiated in a Prison Nation. They have no idea how to get out of this awful cycle of misery, agony, despair and tribulation. So, they pray and pray and pray and pray… for deliverance from Evil!

In 2018, our prayers were answered when a modern-day Moses was sent to lead us out of wilderness of ethnic apartheid, sectarianism and hate.

You are living proof of Dr. King’s wisdom. “Darkness cannot drive out darkness: only light can do that. Hate cannot drive out hate: only love can do that.”

Over the past eight months, you have been driving out the Forces of Darkness and the darkness of hate from the land of Ethiopia.

You have succeeded beyond our wildest expectations.

As BBC recently wrote, you have done the “equivalent of making the sun rise from the west.”

Who would have thought nine months ago darkness and the Princes of Darkness would run and hide in darkness at the first sign of sun light?

Nine months ago, our expectations were far different.

We were resigned to accept ethnic apartheid as the way of life in our lifetimes.

PM Abiy, in July 2015 I was in such despair that I had a letter delivered to President Barack Obama.

I asked him a special favor in the paraphrased words of the old Negro spiritual: “Go down Moses way down in Ethiopia land/ Tell all Pharaohs to let My people go/ Oppressed so hard they could not stand…”

I thought President Obama could serve as our temporary Moses until the real one showed up. I could not have been more wrong.

On July 27, 2015 at 1:47 p.m., President Obama stood side by side by with the masters of ethnic apartheid and declared, “the government of Ethiopia, that has been democratically elected.”

Those words were like a dagger in my heart.

What an insult to the dignity and intelligence of 100 million Ethiopians.

But on July 27, 2018 you came to America and mended my shattered heart and raised me to the peak of the mountain of hope.

Thank you, PM Abiy!

Thank you for ending our 27-year long captivity and long day’s journey into the dark night of apartheid.

Thank you for resurrecting ETHIOPIAWINET from the burial crypt of ethnic apartheid.

Thank you and I thank those who taught us “Ethiopiawinet is an addiction. Those who sang and taught us Ethiopiawinet “can never be lost. It is as deep as religion. Ethiopiawinet has a delicate mystery to itself. It has a very deep foundation.”

Thank you for proving to us the Beast had feet of clay.

Thank you for leading us out of the hellfire of civil war and destruction into a state of tolerance, reconciliation, peace and love.

Thank you for elevating the status of women in Ethiopia. 

Thank you for being the Fire Chief organizing the fire brigade to save the burning House of Ethiopia and cutting the fuse on the Ethiopia powder keg.

Thank you for standing your ground that the only path for our future is forgiveness, love and reconciliation.

Thank you for telling the truth, the whole truth, nothing but the truth: “Jailing and torturing, which we did, are not constitutional. Does the constitution say anyone who was sentenced by a court can be tortured, put in a dark room? Torturing, putting people in dark rooms, is our act of terrorism.”

Thank you for sowing love and harvesting peace with our neighbors and brothers and sisters: “Forgiveness frees the consciousness. When we say we have reconciled, we mean we have chosen a path of forgiveness and love. When I spoke with Isaias, I told him that there may not be enough hotels as Ethiopians visit Massawa and Asmara. He said he would leave his house for them and stay in balconies.”

Thank you for making me feel proud again for being an Ethiopian. After 48 years of being ashamed of being an Ethiopian, ashamed of Ethiopia being called the “beggar nation of the world”, the land of famine and civil war. Today, I proclaim to the world they shall soon learn the true meaning of multiparty democracy in Ethiopia. When EDTF is properly funded, Ethiopia will never, never, never again accept foreign aid, foreign loans or help from international NGOs. We will take care of our own!

Thank you for inviting me to return to my homeland after 48 years and live out my declaration, “I, PROUD ETHIOPIAN.”

Thank you for making us feel, Diaspora Ethiopians, proud to be Ethiopians. For 27 years, we were told Ethiopiawinet is a crime, a badge of blame and shame. We were  forced to confess our tribal and ethnic affiliations.

Thank you for coming to America to show us your love. Did we not show you we love you more? We love ya!

Thank you for bringing back the lost rainbow to our rainbow nation.

Thank you for showing courage under fire, literally, telling the Forces of Darkness who raised their swords and grenades and told you are not strong enough to weather their storm.

Thank you for telling the Forces of Darkness, “I am the storm”.

Thank you for bringing change by changing the hearts and minds of Ethiopians.

Thank you for endless efforts to liberate our minds from the mental slavery of ethnic politics.

Thank you for showing us that it is only through the collective efforts of Ethiopians working together (Medemer) that they can build the New Ethiopia as the shining city upon a hill.

Thank you for teaching us power does not come from the barrel of the gun but the power of love.

Thank you for teaching us killing to remain in or to grab power is the politics of losers.

Thank you for preaching  the only way we can solve our problems peacefully is through civilized dialogue, not through the chatter of AK-47s.

Thank you for proving Mandela’s maxim. “People must learn to hate, and if they can learn to hate, they can be taught to love, for love comes more naturally to the human heart than its opposite.”

Thank you for preaching Ethiopia will rise up as a nation only when the power of love overcomes the love of power of those in power and those hungry and thirsty for power.

Thank you for preaching we cannot make progress unless we learn and practice to forgive and reconcile.

Thank you for showing us a new way to do our politics, Medemer.

PM Abiy, you may find what I am going to say rather puzzling.

Thank you for saving the criminal leaders of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front. Without you, I shudder to think what could have happened to them. Those ignorant and arrogant fools have no idea you are their insurance policy from the wrath of the people!

Most of all, PM Abiy thank you for…

Busting wide open the political space that had been the playground of the masters of ethnic apartheid for the past 27 years.

Emptying the country’s prisons of political prisoners.

Ending gross human rights violations in Ethiopia and bringing those criminals to the bar of  justice.

Guaranteeing with unwavering certainty that in May 2020 Ethiopia will have an internationally-monitored free and fair election.

Allowing opposition leaders to return home from abroad and freely and peacefully participate in their country’s politics.

Granting amnesty to those unjustly declared to be “terrorists”.

Laying the groundwork for true multiparty democracy.

Restoring the people’s constitutional rights to free expression and allowing the media to function freely.

Allowing internet access without control or censorship.

Allowing the people to exercise their right to peaceful protest.

Bringing harmony and understanding among factions of the two religions in Ethiopia. You played a decisive role in bringing healing to the Ethiopian Tewahedo Orthodox Church in the country and in the Diaspora. You played a decisive role in bringing healing to factions in the Islamic community.

Pleading allegiance to the rule of law and due process for the accused.

Condemning collective punishment for the crimes of a few.

Ending torture in Ethiopia’s prisons and exposing the secret prisons of the previous regime.

Removing criminals against humanity from the police, security and military forces.

Professionalizing the country’s defense and police forces to be in the service of the whole nation, not a single group.

Bringing a new era of peace with our neighbors.

Proving Mandela’s maxim: “If you want to make peace with your enemy, you have to work with your enemy. Then he becomes your partner.” The partnership you and H.E. President Isayas Afeworki created has wrapped the people of Ethiopia and Eritrea in a single garment of social, economic and political destiny.

Helping play a key role in bringing  South Sudan’s power contenders to the peace table.

Being a messenger of peace in the Horn of Africa. For going to Somalia and telling the people their peace and stability is Ethiopia’s peace and stability.

Opening peaceful relations between Eritrea and Djbouti.

Building a bridge of hope and cooperation with Egypt over the River Abay (Nile) and not a dam of strife and war.

Working to make sure the Horn of Africa does not become the  battleground in global and regional geopolitics by leading a peace initiative with the contending regional powers and others to peacefully engage in the Horn of Africa.

Stabilizing the Ethiopian economy and the foreign exchange crises.

Establishing a commission to look into privatization of certain state-run institutions and liberalizing the economy with the aim of improving services through market competition.

Setting in motion an open, accountable and transparent government in which ministers will be evaluated by parliamentary committees, government agencies and offices are required to publish information on their activities.

Cleaning up your party of the “dead wood” and bringing in young people to leadership positions.

Elevating women from second class status to the epicenter of power.

Encouraging Ethiopia’s Cheetahs (young people) to believe in themselves and in the higher destiny of Ethiopia.

Inviting the older generation (Hippos) we also have a place in the construction of the New Ethiopia.

The road ahead…

There will be great challenges and opportunities in 2019.

The Forces of Darkness will continue to devise their evil schemes, but they will amount to nothing.

Let it be foretold.

The swords of the Forces of Darkness will pierce their own hearts, and their bows will be broken.

There will be many mountains to climb to build that New Shining Ethiopia upon the hill.

There are many walls to tear down.

We have to tear down the mud walls the kilil-istans (ethnic homelands) that have kept the people of Ethiopia corralled like cattle.

PM Abiy, is it not ironic that the people who created “kilils” to corral Ethiopians today find themselves in self-imposed kilil prisons of their own?

We have to build bridges to connect people that have been separated and segregated over the past 27 years.

We will need many leaders like you for the job; leaders with capability, integrity, morality, respectability, intentionality and personality to do it right.

Some afterthoughts…

I have heard many Ethiopians ask, “Do we really deserve Abiy Ahmed?

My answer is simple. Africa deserves Abiy Ahmed. The world deserves Abiy Ahmed.

I know there are people who will say I am effusive in my praise and gratitude for all you have done.

That I am blinded to your shortcomings and deficits. That I must think you are perfect to deserve such appreciation.

My answer is simple. You are as imperfect as any man.

What I look for in a man or woman is not perfection but content of character.

Courage and grace under fire, literally.

Courage of convictions.

Integrity and commitment to truth.

Acceptance of responsibility. Humility. Authenticity.

Honor. Compassion. Respect. Excellence.

Patience. Tenacity. Generosity. Empathy.

But Pm Abiy, to me, the greatest of all virtues is ETHIOPIAWINET.

To those ingrates who say I am too generous with my gratitude, I tell them to walk a mile in your shoes and tell me how it feels.

Could you please tell me something?

How does it feel to carry a nation on your back 24/7?

How does it feel to walk among poisonous serpents?

How does it feel to live among crabs in a basket that claw you down every time you try to rise up?

How does it feel to carry the hopes, dreams and despair of 100 million people 24 hours a day?

How does it feel to sleep two hours a night because the Forces of Darkness are awake 24 hours a day?

I ask because I don’t know.

Truth be told, PM Abiy, I don’t give a damn what the empty barrels say or do.

I speak my mind because I am an intellectual in the mold of  Edward Said: “The intellectual is an individual endowed with a faculty for representing, embodying, articulating a message, a view, an attitude, philosophy or opinion to, as well as for, a public, in public.”

PM Abiy, my philosophy and attitude today is Medemer.

Medemer to build the New Ethiopia.

When 1 billion fingers come together (Medemer), we can build the New Ethiopia upon the hill.

I believe in Medemer in America too.

We have to fight the forces of hate and division in America with the synergy of Medemer.

I say Medemer in the world for a better world for all of God’s children.

Medemer is my dream for 2019.

In my very first open letter to you dated April 8, 2018, 6 days after you became prime minister, I told you regardless of what happens, failure is not an option for you.

It is not an option for me; for all of us who believe and toil for justice, equality, rule of law, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia..

All of us are invested heavily in your success because if you lose, We, the People of Ethiopia collectively, will be the biggest losers – of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.

Our only choice is to get it right this time around because we get only one chance.

PM Abiy, I am guided by the wisdom of Harriet Tubman, the great African American abolitionist and slavery-fighter: “Every great dream begins with a dreamer. Always remember, you have within you the strength, the patience, and the passion to reach for the stars to change the world.”

That is my message of hope and resolution for you as the great Ethiopian Dreamer.

You PM Abiy have within you the strength, the patience, and the passion to reach for the stars to change Ethiopia, Africa and the world.

Have no doubts you will succeed!

Oh! One last thing before I finish.

Don’t worry.

We will always have your back!

HAPPY NEW YEAR, PM Abiy and the People of Ethiopia….

ETHIOPIAWINET FOREVER!

The post Thank You PM Abiy Ahmed for All You Have Done for Ethiopia! appeared first on Satenaw Ethioopian News & Breaking News: Your right to know!.

The reforms by the country’s new prime minister are clashing with its flawed Constitution and could push the country toward an interethnic conflict.

Mahmood Mamdani
The New York Times

Mr. Mamdani is the director of the Institute of Social Research at Makerere University in Kampala, Uganda, and a professor at Columbia University.

Jan. 3, 2019

Abiy Ahmed, the 42-year-old prime minister of Ethiopia, has dazzled Africa with a volley of political reforms since his appointment in April. Mr. Abiy ended the 20-year border war with Eritrea, released political prisoners, removed bans on dissident groups and allowed their members to return from exile, declared press freedom and granted diverse political groups the freedom to mobilize and organize.

Mr. Abiy has been celebrated as a reformer, but his transformative politics has come up against ethnic federalism enshrined in Ethiopia’s Constitution. The resulting clash threatens to exacerbate competitive ethnic politics further and push the country toward an interethnic conflict.

The 1994 Constitution, introduced by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front governing coalition, recast the country from a centrally unified republic to a federation of nine regional ethnic states and two federally administered city-states. It bases key rights — to land, government jobs, representation in local and federal bodies — not on Ethiopian citizenship but on being considered ethnically indigenous in constituent ethnic states.

The system of ethnic federalism was troubled with internal inconsistencies because ethnic groups do not live only in a discrete “homeland” territory but are also dispersed across the country. Nonnative ethnic minorities live within every ethnic homeland.

Ethiopia’s census lists more than 90 ethnic groups, but there are only nine ethnically defined regional assemblies with rights for the officially designated majority ethnic group. The nonnative minorities are given special districts and rights of self-administration. But no matter the number of minority regions, the fiction of an ethnic homeland creates endless minorities.

Ethnic mobilization comes from multiple groups, including Ethiopians without an ethnic homeland, and those disenfranchised as minorities in the region of their residence, even if their ethnic group has a homeland in another state.

Ethnic federalism also unleashed a struggle for supremacy among the Big Three: the Tigray, the Amhara and the Oromo. Although the ruling E.P.R.D.F. is a coalition of four parties, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front representing the Tigray minority has been in the driving seat since the 1991 revolution. The Amhara, dominant before 1991, and the Oromo, the largest ethnic group in the country, complained they were being treated as subordinate minorities.

When the government announced plans to expand Addis Ababa, the federally run city-state, into bordering Oromo lands, protests erupted in 2015. The Amhara joined and both groups continued to demand land reform, equal political representation and an end to rights abuses.

Ethiopian army soldiers controlled protestors from the capital and those displaced by ethnic-based violence over the weekend in Burayu, as they demonstrated demanding justice from the government in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia last September.CreditMulugeta Ayene/Associated Press

 

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Prime Minister Haile Mariam Desalegn, who took office in 2012 after the death of the long-term premier and Tigray leader Mr. Zenawi, responded brutally to the protests. Security forces killed between 500 and 1,000 protesters in a year. Faced with a spiraling crisis, the ruling E.P.R.D.F. coalition appointed Mr. Abiy, a former military official and a leader of the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization — a constituent of the ruling coalition — as prime minister.

Mr. Abiy’s reforms have been applauded but have also led to greater ethnic mobilization for justice and equality. The E.P.R.D.F.’s achievement since 1991 was equal education for girls and boys, rural and urban, leading to greater prominence of women, Muslims and Pentecostal groups.

The recent reforms of Mr. Abiy, who was born to a Muslim Oromo father and an Orthodox Amhara mother and is a devout Pentecostal Christian, have further broadened political participation to underprivileged groups.

Mobilization of ethnic militias is on the rise. Paramilitaries or ethnic militias known as special police, initially established as counterinsurgency units, are increasingly involved in ethnic conflicts, mainly between neighboring ethnic states. A good example is the role of the Somali Special Force in the border conflict with the Oromia state, according to Yonas Ashine, a historian at Addis Ababa University. These forces are also drawn into conflicts between native and nonnative groups.

Nearly a million Ethiopians have been displaced from their homes by escalating ethnic violence since Mr. Abiy’s appointment, according to Addisu Gebregziabher, who heads the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission.

Fears of Ethiopia suffering Africa’s next interethnic conflict are growing. Prime Minister Abiy himself is constantly invoking religious symbols, especially those linked to American Protestant evangelical megachurches, and has brought a greater number of Pentecostals into the higher ranks of government.

Ethiopians used to think of themselves as Africans of a special kind, who were not colonized, but the country today resembles a quintessential African system, marked by ethnic mobilization for ethnic gains.

In most of Africa, ethnicity was politicized when the British turned the ethnic group into a unit of local administration, which they termed “indirect rule.” Every bit of the colony came to be defined as an ethnic homeland, where an ethnic authority enforced an ethnically defined customary law that conferred privileges on those deemed indigenous at the expense of non-indigenous minorities.

The move was a response to a perennial colonial problem: Racial privilege for whites mobilized those excluded as a racialized nonwhite majority. By creating an additional layer of privilege, this time ethnic, indirect rule fragmented the racially conscious majority into so many ethnic minorities, in every part of the country setting ethnic majorities against ethnic minorities. Wherever this system continued after independence, national belonging gave way to tribal identity as the real meaning of citizenship.

Many thought the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, representing a minority in the dominant coalition, turned to ethnic federalism to dissolve and fragment Ethiopian society into numerous ethnic groups — each a minority — so it could come up with a “national” vision. In a way it replicated the British system.

But led by Mr. Zenawi, the T.P.L.F. was also most likely influenced by Soviet ethno-territorial federalism and the creation of ethnic republics, especially in Central Asia. Ethiopia’s 1994 Constitution evoked the classically Stalinist definition of “nation, nationality and people” and the Soviet solution to “the national question.”

As in the Soviet Union, every piece of land in Ethiopia was inscribed as the ethnic homeland of a particular group, constitutionally dividing the population into a permanent majority alongside permanent minorities with little stake in the system. Mr. Zenawi and his party had both Sovietized and Africanized Ethiopia.

Like much of Africa, Ethiopia is at a crossroads. Neither the centralized republic instituted by the Derg military junta in 1974 nor the ethnic federalism of Mr. Zenawi’s 1994 Constitution points to a way forward.

Mr. Abiy can achieve real progress if Ethiopia embraces a different kind of federation — territorial and not ethnic — where rights in a federal unit are dispensed not on the basis of ethnicity but on residence. Such a federal arrangement will give Ethiopians an even chance of keeping an authoritarian dictatorship at bay.

Mahmood Mamdani is the director of Makerere Institute of Social Research in Uganda, a professor of government at Columbia University and the author of “Citizen and Subject: Contemporary Africa and the Legacy of Late Colonialism.”

#Ethiopia : አንዳንዱ ኢትዮጵያ ስትገነባ ማገር ያቀበለ ይመስል አሁን አዞ በአዋጅ ኢትዮጵያን የሚያፈርስ ይመስለዋል ትፈርሳለህ እንጂ ኢትዮጵያ አትፈርስምጠ/ሚ ዶ/ር አብይ አህመድ

Posted by Natnael Mekonnen on Wednesday, January 2, 2019

 

The post The Trouble With Ethiopia’s Ethnic Federalism appeared first on Satenaw Ethioopian News & Breaking News: Your right to know!.

By Teshome M. Borago

Former Member of Ethiopian Parliament Girma Seifu Maru has called for the official recognition of multiethnic mixed-Ethiopian identity on the upcoming 2019 Census. Girma was an official of the Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ) opposition party led by its leader Judge Birtukan Mideksa, who is now the head of Ethiopia’s election commission.

The former MP said “it should be up to Ethiopians to choose how and who they want to identify as or to not identify with any group at all” during the Census. And Girma wants Census officials to provide an alternative option and ask citizens whether or not they want to be classified as mixed-Ethiopians or choose one tribe.

Tens of millions of Ethiopians are believed to have two or more mixed ethnic ancestry; however most select one ethnicity based solely on mother tongue during recent Census collections. Some mixed-Ethiopians living in homogeneous tribal areas usually select the local tribe in order to escape persecution economically and socio-politically. Others are pressured to randomly pick only one fraction of their family, or one tribal label: particularly those residing in urban centers like Addis Ababa, Adama, Dire Dawa and Hawassa.

The Ethiopian Census has been politicized since the arrival of the TPLF ruling party, as its former Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and his Oromo allies imposed an ethnic based federalism throughout Ethiopia in the 1990s. Initially, Zenawi’s ethnic-federalism project faced two major obstacles nationwide: one from cosmopolitan mixed-Ethiopians who refused to pick a tribe; and the second from rural Amharic speakers who refused the “Amhara” label in exchange for their regional identities like Shewan, Gondare, Wollo and Gojame.

However, after two decades of institutional tribalism, the new generation northern Amharic speakers have gradually adopted the “Amhara” label recently. Yet, urban mixed-Ethiopians remain opposed to tribalism, as the current constitution virtually denies their existence and thus representation.

Due to being stateless, mixed-Ethiopians often support opposition parties, like Ginbot 7, who promote individual rights over group rights. Meanwhile, mixed-Ethiopians in Addis Ababa established a new organization known as Movement for Ethiopian Nationalism (MEN), led by its founder Andualem Buketo Geda, a staunch opponent of ethnic federalism. Also the diaspora organization, Gosaye Ethiopia Movement (GEM), advocated for the rights of mixed-Ethiopians, transforming the name “Ethiopia” itself into an ethnic group: one that promotes multilingualism while maintaining similar culture, shared history, geography or common polity and consciousness.

They scored a small political victory last year when Addis Ababa government was pressured to remove ethnic labels on identification cards in the capital city. The move by the city government was criticized by ethnic nationalists like Tsegaye Ararssa but praised by the multiethnic citizens of the capital.

While multiethnic mixed-Ethiopians have historically opposed ethnic federalism; the system has recently been challenged by its own proponents as ethnic violence continues to grow exponentially. The raging ethnic conflicts near ethnic borders all over Ethiopia today have triggered a virtual self-destruction of ethnic federalism. In contested towns like Moyale, claimed by both Oromos and Somalis as their homeland, the carnage has been gruesome and historic. A new op-Ed on New York Times (NYT) Thursday urged the new Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed to scrap ethnic federalism in favor of territorial federalism based on citizenship.

According to the New York Times article, the Ethnic federalism crisis created “an additional layer of privilege” and “the fiction of an ethnic homeland creates endless minorities;”  adding that “Ethiopia’s 1994 Constitution evoked the classically Stalinist definition of ‘nation, nationality and people’ and the Soviet solution to ‘the national question.’”

For the millions of multiethnic mixed-Ethiopians in the country, being recognized in the 2019 Census does not only benefit them; but they also might become a bridge to unite the rest of a country that was artificially and unnecessarily divided by ethnic politics.

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Aklog Birara (Dr)

I have consistently opined that if Ethiopians wish to create a just and prosperous society, the current elite-based and dictated Constitutional system of ethnic-federalism that is based on the old colonial system of divide and rule and that creates enclaves of false-self-governance, autonomy and growth must be addressed honestly and boldly. Practice shows that ethnic elites perpetuate a culture of “my territory, my land, my water, my mimineral  (የኔ መሬት፤ የኔ ኃብት፤ የኔ! ክልል! የኔ! የኔ! የኔ! ” at an enormous cost to the rest of the society. I can find no plausible explanation or best practice from the rest of the world, especially those that are multiethnic and growing fast that any form of divide and rule and exclusion work.

Human rights are, by definition, indivisible. Human rights are citizen rights. Regardless of where she or he lives and irrespective of ethnic or religious affiliation, each and every Ethiopian must enjoy freedom as well as socioeconomic, political and religious rights without restrictions. The current ethnic federal system has essentially failed to create socioeconomic and political cohesion. On the positive side, there is a high correlation between inclusion and sustainability. On the opposite side, there is a high probability that divided societies become poorer, conflict ridden and unsafe.

Ethiopian political elites, intellectuals, civil and spiritual society must, at last, come to grips with or face the incontestable reality that ethnic federalism has proven anathema to peace, harmony, sustainable and equitable development. The recurring and sporadic episodes of elite led, stimulated and financed conflicts in most parts of the country today entail huge human, financial and environmental costs. When these episodes occur, the federal government expends precious resources; but is unable to resolve the problems. The reason is because neither federal or regional or local authorities are willing and ready to deal with the root cause of the problem. The Constitutional system imposed by the TPLF and its allies in the early 1990s was deliberate in crafting and imposing ethnic divide for the political and financial benefit of the few.

The parallel to Ethiopia’s current indefensible system is a similar one of ethnic divide and rule imposed on Sub-Saharan Africa as well as a few nations in the Middle East and Asia that the British and other colonial powers imposed. The adverse developmental impacts of these divisions continue to reverberate.

While I foresee enormous opportunities, the greatest and most formidable governance hurdle Ethiopia faces and will continue to face in the years to come is human and mostly elite made. Among these is the artificial and poorly designed system of ethnic federalism that I argued in 2010/2011 in my book Waves would undermine the country’s rapid sustainable and equitable development.  The problem is not federalism at all; rather, it is the type of federalism that undermines citizenship rights and cohesion, collaboration and growth on the basis of individual human rights.

In 1991, ethnic elites led by the TPLF excluded multiethnic parties thereby paving the way for 27 years of plunder, theft, corruption and massive illicit outflow by deploying the tool of ethnic divide and rule.  This artful state craftsmanship works by ensuring that new political and financial beneficiaries at all levels of society. So, the problem is not confined to the TPLF; there are numerous pockets of new beneficiaries that defend the defunct system in the name of the people and the Constitution.

In my view, if Ethiopians decide to live together in peace and harmony; they must accept one another; and they must adhere to the rule of law and commit to justice for all. For Ethiopia and its 110 million people to thrive, they must possess a patriotic and inclusive leadership and empowering governance. Not only would these conditions enable citizens to survive; but equally, favorable governance conditions will propel Ethiopian society to thrive. Backwardness and poverty will be history. Dependency on foreign largesse will become unnecessary. In its new role as a manufacturing and technological hub, an innovative, resilient and self-sustaining Ethiopia will also lift the dormant Sub-Saharan Africa and encourage it to form a unified Africa. The old adage a divided, dysfunctional, poor, backward and dependent Africa will be gone.  So, Ethiopia’s future matters not only for Ethiopians but also for the rest of Africa.

Ethiopia would have served Africa and all black and brown people everywhere twice: First in its capacity as a free and independent African country; and second as multiethnic, unified and prosperous country.

This is not wishful thinking. Ethiopia served as a beacon of independence when the rest of Africa and in fact the rest of the “Third World” suffered under the yoke of colonialism and imperialism. It supported African liberation movements. Once again, this ancient and historic country is in the process of asserting itself in the 21^st century by boosting its productive capacity.

I acknowledge the enormous Constitutional, political, policy, structural, cultural and environmental hurdles Ethiopia’s 110 million people face. Until April last year, Ethiopia was literally a captured state on the verge of Balkanization and ethnic war and conflagration. Thanks largely to its youthful population, the unthinkable occurred. Those who captured state power and converted the country into a piggybank collapsed; and many of them resorted to the only thing they know, resistance against the will of the people. In the process, they have left a society in socioeconomic and political tatters.

Their stolen hidden wealth is now being deployed to strengthen resistance, to force the general public that the old was better than the new with the mean-spirited intent of reversing the unstoppable change. The flawed Constitution that was also abused to punish the innocent for almost three decades is now being defended as a panacea. Anyone who had the courage to watch the ETV broadcast የፍትህ ሰቆቃ (The Degradation of Justice in Ethiopia) must ask the question how the Ethiopian people tolerated the TPLF lead and managed cruel and crude punishment for 27 years. In my assessment, Ethiopians will never go back to a system that punished and impoverished them.

Youth led protests and forums indicate that the ultimate purpose of the popular uprising is not cosmetic but fundamental change. These social forces openly critique the well-entrenched rent seeking, corrupt and crony system that still affects ordinary citizens. The financial and monetary system of the country is dysfunctional and requires surgical remedy. Ethiopia’s private sector is still crowded out by highly entrenched state and party enterprises. Forex is in short supply and prices continue to rise. The old guard of the TPLF has effectively garrisoned itself in Mekele. Sadly and despite the enormous harms it caused to Ethiopian society, its founders and new adherents see themselves as “saviors.” and as the “guardians of the Constitutional order.” They drum up for war in a country where any form of conflict is a non-starter. They are unable to lift themselves out of a paradigm of thinking that has outlived its time. Among other things, the old leadership that had captured the Ethiopian state and national economy lacks a new vision and new leadership with the foresight to forge alliances with the rest of Ethiopia’s progressive forces. Instead of pushing for dialogue, peace and reconciliation, the old guard subverts peace, undermines people to people relationships and genuine political pluralism.

Against these and other formidable odds, the political, social, spiritual, economic and geopolitical indicators, including relations with Eritrea and the rest of the Horn of Africa, are promising and compelling for Ethiopia’s future. For the first time in Ethiopia’s modern political history, there is no single journalist in jail. Ethiopians are free to move into and out of the country with ease.

Credit goes to the new and energetic Prime Minister Dr. Abiy Ahmed. Frida Ghitis of the Washington Post provided a succinct commentary on why Abiy stood stands tall in a continent marred by ‘BIG AND CORRUPT MEN’ whose grip to political power and the wealth that comes from this power is legendary.

In a piece on December 17, 2018, Ghitis wrote. ”By almost any measure, 2018 has been a disastrous year for democracy. Authoritarian leaders have made decisive moves to tighten their grip on power by eroding practices indispensable to a functioning democracy, such as the rule of law and a free press, and blithely ignoring or violently suppressing mass protests in places such as Hungary, Nicaragua, the Philippines and elsewhere.

And yet, there are parts of the world where, quite unexpectedly, the struggle for democratic reform made giant strides — a reminder that the right mix of activism, leadership and circumstances can suddenly change the course of history. The good news came from starkly different countries, where undemocratic practices had been playing out in unique ways. Remarkably, whether toppling autocrats or reversing corrosive practices, the bold leaders and committed activists that shocked the system managed to achieve their goals without violence.

Perhaps the biggest surprise of the year came in Ethiopia, a country of 100 million people and a solidly authoritarian past. Its jails teemed with political prisoners and journalists, and regime critics knew that the safest place was in exile. Since overthrowing a military regime in 1991, the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) monopolized power, profited from corruption, crushed its critics and blatantly favored the privileged ethnic Tigray minority.”

What is the real surprise that the Ethiopian people and the rest of the world has come to note and admire? It is the selection of Dr. Abiy Ahmed first as the Chairman of the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Party (EPRDF), in power for 27 years and always dominated by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF); and later as Prime Minister. This change is unlike any other in Ethiopia’s tumultuous political history.  “His appointment ushered in changes that Ethiopians at home and abroad could hardly believe….Abiy freed thousands of political prisoners. He released jailed journalists — not a single one remains in prison, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists — and ended a decades-old war with neighboring Eritrea. The euphoria that gripped Ethiopia, as opposition leaders started returning home, spread to the diaspora. Abiy met with a hero’s welcome during his travels to exiled Ethiopian communities. In a meeting with Ethiopian dissidents in the United States he explained his vision: The next step, he declared, is a ‘democratic’ election.”

As mentioned earlier and in my commentaries issued in Ethiopia, Abiy and his government face enormous real challenges, among them the ethnic Constitution. These challenges are natural in a country that had not witnessed a semblance of freedom for almost half a century.

The good news is this. The vast majority of Ethiopians, most of them under the age of 45, welcome and support fundamental changes. Projecting ahead, this huge social or human capital requires a dose of massive investment in new factories, modern farming and other sectors. This too is achievable with good and sound macro-economic, sector policies; among other things by designing and implementing an industrialization policy and program (specially manufacturing) and that takes advantage of both Ethiopia’s natural resources and its youthful population (the youth dividend).

The first priority is getting the political narrative and national institutions right. Other countries have done it and we can learn from them.

When I first visited China in 1977 in my capacity as Economic Advisor of the National Bank of Ethiopia (NBE), the country was relatively backward and poor. It had an estimated GDP of $200 billion. Its young people left China in droves. In 1978, China initiated a new path of rapid and integrated modernization. It opened up its economy and soon became the manufacturing hub of the globe. Young and educated women and men found lucrative jobs in the new China.

The Chinese used the right mix of policies and programs in empowering citizens and in establishing a resilient and self-sustaining economy.

Today, with a GDP in excess of $11 billion, China’s economy is the second largest in the world. Poverty and destitution have become history.

Ethiopia has the potential to become a manufacturing hub; and a real food granary. I therefor continue to support the change led by Prime Minister Dr. Abiy because it provides a compelling alternative to a shameful and harmful past.

1/4/2019

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By Alemayehu G. Mariam

The post Reflections on the Rule of Law and Ethiopia’s Transition to Democratic Rule (Part I) appeared first on Satenaw Ethioopian News & Breaking News: Your right to know!.

Teshome M. Borago..Satenaw Columnist

New York City (PT) – While the international media has put spotlight on the negative impact of populism in President Trump’s middle America, what is happening in Ethiopia gives a whole new meaning to nativism. With 2.8 million dislocated citizens, Ethiopia ranked number one in the world for internal displacements in 2018. And according to IRIN, the carnage in Ethiopia shows no sign of slowing down in 2019.

The ongoing tribal conflicts nationwide have recently been exasperated by the ethnic violence in the border town of Moyale. Since the final weeks of 2018, Moyale has lived up to its nickname as “the city of death.” Located between Kenya and Ethiopia, the town is contested between the dominant Oromo Borana ethnic group and the Garre Somalis. Ethiopia’s ESAT media reported that around 600,000 people have been recently displaced from this region alone. Due to the lack of access to independent media, it is unknown exactly how many have died and how the conflict restarted. However, both the Oromo and Somali continue to point finger at each other and vow revenge, as hundreds have reportedly died during weekly massacres.

The growing ethnic violence in Ethiopia has thus dampened the enthusiasm for the new Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and trigged an op-Ed report from the New York Times on Thursday, faulting the country’s backward constitution for promoting an ethnic-segregation system. “The fiction ofan ethnic homeland” has created “endless minorities” and “an additional layer ofprivilege,” said the New York Times article. The result is more tribal conflict and “mobilization of ethic militias” nationwide, warned the newspaper.

Better known as “Ethnic–federalism,” Ethiopia’s administrative system has been compared to apartheid in South Africa. Originally established by the country’s late Marxist Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, analysts believe ethnic-federalism is the main obstacle to liberal democracy in Ethiopia as it has institutionalized nativism and segregation. As the Moyale example indicates, ethnic nationalism has replaced Ethiopian nationalism nationwide; leading to vicious tribal competition for land.

To understand the impact of tribalism in Ethiopia, one has to compare it to the southern portion of Moyale in Kenya, where civic nationalism is prioritized over ethnicity. Known as the “Moyale constituency,” elected Kenyan officials discourage tribal attachment to land ownership and promote democracy and individual rights of all citizens. This has been the formula in the rest of Kenya and other successful liberal Democracies in Africa like Ghana. While minor election related tribal clashes have occurred sporadically in Kenya before, nothing compares to the endless tribal bloodshed in Ethiopia. Kenya has not officially outlawed ethnic political organizations (like Ghana did successfully), however what made Kenya stable compared to Ethiopia was its rejection of ethnic-federalism. Despite having 69 languages, Kenya has refused to structure its federalism based on language or tribe. However, the Ethiopian government continues to govern via ethnic segregation, recklessly distributing and assigning historically contested territories based on tribe. This policy has backfired. Since Ethiopia is mostly made of up multiethnic communities, this apartheid policy has created time bombs everywhere. Consequently, nativist tribal elites have instigated various ethnic cleansing of neighborhoods nationwide. For example, in southern Ethiopia, the ethnic conflict between the Guji Oromo and Gedeo led to hundreds of death and over a million more people displaced, according to IRIN.

The crisis in Ethiopia should not be ignored by the international community. Located by the vital Red Sea trade route, Ethiopia is the second largest nation in Africa and the headquarters of many global organizations. It also hosts hundreds of thousands of refugees from other countries as well as being a major contributor for the UN peacekeeping force. By 2050, Ethiopia is predicted to be in the top 10 of the biggest countries of the world. A collapse of such a massive state with political, diplomatic and historical significance globally will have a disastrous domino effect continentally.

The deadly tribal conflicts may soon overwhelm the center at any moment and trigger mass scale civil war. It is important that the international community use its leverage and put pressure on Ethiopia’s tribal elites toward moderation and cross ethnic tolerance; particularly since many of them have assets or live in the Diaspora. As the New York Times article recommended, Ethiopia must scrap ethnic-federalism and replace it with geographic federalism based on citizenship. It is clear that the policy of assigning tribal ownership of multiethnic towns like Addis Ababa, Moyale, Dire Dawa, Hawassa, Adama and many others has failed. Therefore, Ethiopia must establish deeper federalism that is tailored toward local realities. Not a return to centralization, as critics claim, but more federalism or decentralization is the better alternative. The end goal should be to bring government closer and closer to the individual. Otherwise, the Ethiopian state will continue to disregard human life and sacrifice it for the “greater good” of some tribal nativist interest groups. Independent and democratic institutions must gradually replace the local tribal administrative structures. Non-ethnic civil society groups in Ethiopia also need financial support from global organizations who share their common values of promoting individual liberty and democracy thru independent media and advocacy. In addition, Census reform must recognize mixed-ethnicity and promote the “identity development” of mixed or multiethnic Ethiopians; who in turn may become the bridge that connect rival ethnicities nationwide. Education reform must similarly teach the values of independent institutions, democratic culture, open society and ethnic tolerance. There are many cynics and critics who believe it is too late to reverse Ethiopia’s downward spiral. Yet, It took many dark years for nativist tribalism to proliferate nationwide, therefore it will take many more years to abolish it, perhaps a generation. The task is daunting and it is an uphill battle, but the struggle is worth fighting for to mold an African society that puts humanity before ethnicity.

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by Katharine Houreld and Robin Pomeroy

Protesters in Ethiopia’s northeastern Afar region have blocked the landlocked country’s main route to the sea to demonstrate against surging ethnic violence, organisers said on Monday.

ADDIS ABABA: Protesters in Ethiopia’s northeastern Afar region have blocked the landlocked country’s main route to the sea to demonstrate against surging ethnic violence, organisers said on Monday.

Source: Reuters

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By Damo Gotamo

It may surprise some people when they read the topic of this brief piece. But, for more than five hundred thousand residents of Awassa, who have experienced blatant discrimination in all sectors of the city’s life, the heading above isn’t surprising at all. Yes, there is an apartheid like system in Awassa where a few extremist politicians and their cliques do whatever they want without being accountable for their actions. There is discrimination in Tax payment, housing, Electric power distribution, Electric and water bill payments, and business and employment opportunities.

Residents of Awassa are frequently subjected to discrimination in tax payments. The majority of the tax payers in the city are forced to pay taxes more than their income and higher than the true value of their properties. But, on the other hand, Sidama politicians and Sidama residents in the city are either pay taxes below their income or are exempt from tax payments. The unwritten rule, which is carried out on a regular basis, states that one must be fluent in the Sidama language to dodge tax payments. Additionally, taxation is used as a tool to punish people of other tribes, particularly Wolitas who are considered as threats by Sidama extremists. I have met many non-Sidama business men who closed their business due to high taxation.

Lack of tax knowledge by employees in charge of taxation isn’t helping the cause of taxpayers. Tax employees are assigned based on nepotism. It merely takes a phone call from politicians in higher position to tell them how much to bill taxpayers. I have seen non-Sidamas paying three times as much as the Sidamas for comparable businesses and properties. If the tax payment history of the Sidama politicians in Awassa is investigated, we will unearth millions of birr in uncollected tax that would have entered the government coffers. The extremists must be accountable for overcharging citizens, dodging tax payments, and bankrupting the government.

Housing is a serious problem in Awassa. Many people can’t afford to pay a monthly rate let alone build their own house. As a result, more than half of the city’s population depends on government housing. To get a government house, a family has to wait for many years. However, government housing in Awassa is available only to Sidama officials and their relatives. People who have never lived in Awassa and don’t meet the income requirements would be given government houses bypassing the waiting list. Well paid officials particularly those who hail from Sidama tribe don’t need to wait to get a low income government housing. Corrupt lawyers, division heads, and police chiefs would easily get government housing. In many cases, it is common to see government houses converted to private houses illegally.

The discriminatory practices have often become a source of conflict between the people and officials in Awassa. On numerous occasions, I have witnessed confrontations between the city residents and officials; the residents demanding things be done according to the law and the officials who want to do things as they please. I hope those who used the government properties for personal use will be held accountable.

Many areas in Awassa don’t get electricity on a regular basis. Power interruption regularly occurs in many areas where the non-Sidama live and do businesses. In some cases, electric power is deliberately cut-off to ‘annoy’ the non-Sidamas. Many repeatedly ask why in areas where a single tribe and its politicians live power interruption is never a problem. While most of the residents suffer constant power blackouts, extremist Sidama politicians and their cronies enjoy power supply without interruption even if they don’t pay electric bills. Electric poles which are supposed to be evenly distributed in the city find their way to areas where the Sidama politicians live. It is common to see electric poles inside the fences of private homes of the Sidama politicians.

Awassa must be the only city in the world where politicians and their cronies don’t pay electric and water bills. The extremists are ‘special’ residents of the city who are treated differently from the rest of hardworking people. While thousands of city residents are forced to pay their bills higher than their actual usage, the Sidama politicians use electricity and water for free. Furthermore, electric and water bills aren’t charged to residents based on usage and on equal footing. Like taxation, the bills are tools to attack the ‘hated’ groups and benefits the ‘special’ ones.

It is almost impossible to get a job in federal institutions in Awassa unless the job seeker is a Sidmigna speaker. For example, out of twenty people in a small federal office, seventeen or more are Sidamigna speakers. Hiring practices are intended to help a single ethnic group. The non-Sidamas that work in government institutions leave their positions because of blatant discrimination and constant harassment. Challenging Sidama employees in any institution is a prerequisite for losing ones livelihood because it is seen as an attack on the Sidama tribe.

Nothing can be accomplished in Awassa without paying bribes to Sidama politicians. A bribe is one of the biggest sources of income to extremists. There seems a tacit understanding among the residents that ‘all must pay’ bribe in Awassa except the Sidama. For instance, getting new business permits and renewing the old ones is a big a challenge to non-Sidamas in the city. The non-Sidama must pay bribes to get a permit, or they will never receive one. A source ones told me that a client was told to pay a per dim to a government employee to come to his office (he was in other parts of the city having fun) to give a supporting letter to the client. Similar to the aforementioned discriminatory practices, the non-Sidamas are the only citizens of the city who must pay bribes to get things done. The extremists are like ticks who suck the blood of the residents of Awassa.

In addition to the above blatant discriminatory practices, many ‘favorite’ people in the city drive cars and motorbikes without a license. The people who woke at motor vehicle administration have no regard for human lives as long as they accept bribes and help people of their own tribe.

The city of Awassa needs a complete overhaul from the existing apartheid like system. After all, it is the second biggest city in the country and the pride of millions of Ethiopians. The government must take decisive action to remove the deeply entrenched extremist politicians and restore the city its former glory. The wish of the extremists is to make Awassa their amusement park. As of now, I and millions of others who love Awassa are deeply ashamed of what is happening in the city. We must not allow ethnic lords to further destroy the city. Their only wish is to live in the city without paying for anything.

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Professor Messay Kebede

The starting occasion of this article is a video I watched on the 7^th conference of Vision Ethiopia in which my old and dear friend and colleague, Dr, Befekadu Degefe, gives an insightful analysis on the requisites for economic development in Ethiopia. The analysis is premised on the commonly shared assumption that the private sector is the engine of economic growth and considers two possibilities by which said sector could be effectively developed. The first possibility is through a determined and systematic opening to foreign investments. The second is, paradoxical as it may sound, through state patronage harboring a nationalist agenda.

The obvious advantage of the first option is that it provides the Ethiopian economy with the much needed capital, know-how, and market access, all the more easily as it is in line with the fundamentally globalizing trend of our time. A major implication of this policy is that the Ethiopian government gives up the greater part of its role in the running of the economy.

According to Befekadu, the choice of over-relying on foreign investments has two major drawbacks. Granted that it is indeed necessary to curtail the economic role of the state to develop the private sector, such a policy assumes that the sector already exists and that state intervention prevents its growth. However, the fact about Ethiopia is that the private sector does not exist: it had started to burgeon during Haile Selassie’s reign but was trampled on by successive governments to the point of extinction. Under this condition, any unrestricted opening to foreign investments, far from encouraging the development of a national private sector, will only result in a state of severe economic dependency. In what appears as a veiled criticism of the direction of the existing government, Befekadu underscores that a withdrawal of the economic role of the state where the private sector is non-existent entails nothing less than a grave loss of sovereignty.

The other drawback of the policy is its one-sided view of the economic role of the state. The idea that both state ownership of the means of production and intervention constitute impediments to the development of the private sector, while true in principle, overlooks that the state can also be instrumental in promoting the private sector. In fact, historical facts pertaining to economic development attest that the private sectors in the most developed liberal economies, including the US, owe their growth to deliberate governmental policies. Implementation of protective measures and foresighted planning by the state, not its withdrawal, are necessary for the private sector to thrive. So stated, such a prerequisite for development seems easy to implement. Unfortunately, the single and hard to come by attribute is the availability of states that are truly committed to the defense of the national interests of their country. When a state generates some such commitment, it becomes naturally prone to devise policies aimed at furthering the private sector. So that, the paramount issue of economic development boils down to having or not having a state that is genuinely nationalist.

True, the general expectation is that a state, whatever its form may be, stands by definition in defense of the national interest. But this does not mean that the defense includes the economic development of the country. Far from it: traditional forms of political rule as well as perverted forms of modern governments aim first and foremost at protecting the narrow interests of given elites, less so at generating national wealth. The reason for this is that the condition for producing national wealth is different from the use of political power to insure the hegemony of an elite over the economic life of a country. In this last case, political power is used to exclude, that is, to reserve for the ruling elite whatever wealth the system produces by erecting political protections. Its purpose is less to enhance the production of wealth than to give the ruling elite a privileged, protected access to its control. Nothing prevents this political system from claiming that it is nationalist, except the fact that all the factors that encourage the private sector, such as free competition, the rule of law, protection of the national market against external competitors, stimulation of internal savings and investments, production of highly skilled nationals, the setting of national economic priorities, etc., are either ignored or given lip service.

In speaking of what needs to be done in conjunction with the issue of the state, Befekadu brings out the sad condition of education in Ethiopia. Since its introduction, modern education has been designed to produce, not innovators and entrepreneurs, but people with a dependent state of mind. Proof of this is that an Ethiopian goes through the various levels of modern education and graduates with one single objective, which is to be hired by somebody. In accordance with the state of the economy, the educational system is not designed to yield graduates capable of inventing and creating jobs for other people. Discussions on education in Ethiopia are focused on the question of how to teach and not on what to teach, that is, on what kind of graduates we want to produce. Needleless to say, the private sector cannot develop if the system of education does not produce self-reliant and creative people.

The inevitable follow-up question deriving from Befekadu’s analysis is, of course, the question of knowing the cause or causes of the emergence of nationalist states. The question has inspired rich and varied scholarly studies that are beyond the scope of this article. I limit myself to the conclusion I have arrived after an extensive reflection on these studies (see my books, Meaning and Development and Survival and Modernization: Ethiopia’s Enigmatic Present). For most development scholars, the issue of economic development is best summed up in the formula “tradition versus modernity.” It amounts to asking what motivates elites to move away from traditional social order and values so as to espouse modern settings and norms. What is traditional is custom-bound, authoritarian, and ascriptive, while the modern is innovative and achievement-based.

An inquiry into the history of modernization suggests that traditional elites embark on the path to modernity when they clearly realize (often under the influence of enlightened political leaders) that modern settings and values are necessary to preserve their social status. Indeed, what is more motivating than self-preservation? In other words, when the social order protecting the political and economic hegemony of a traditional elite is threatened (the threat can be caused by social crises, external invasion, internal dissension, etc.,), the ruling elite has the option of either defending its status and interests by increased authority and repression or engage in the task of reforming the society to counter the threat. The first option can only retard the inevitable defeat of the ruling class for the reason that its inability to find real solutions to the crisis invites popular uprisings leading finally to a revolutionary culmination. Experience invariably shows that the revolutionary solution draws the society into a bloody and disruptive process that often ends in the institution of another authoritarian regime that is no better than the previous one.

By contrast, the second option, the path of reform has proven to be more promising. The fact that the determination to reform derives from the clear understanding that more authority and repression do not provide the solution to the crisis indicates that a genuine commitment to change is in the making. Most of all, the fact that it is about the survival of the ruling elite itself makes the will to reform into a determination impelled by self-interest and hence more reliable and consequential. I see no better way to give the gist of this theory of modernization than to provide a quotation from my own book, Meaning and Development. I write: “the drive toward industrialization springs from the need felt by ruling classes to counter external or internal threat. Ruling classes become industrializing elites as soon as they accept change as the best way to preserve their interest and power. They thus make their societies into societies ruled by the standard of achievement.” As opposed to rent-seeking and ascriptive methods as well as to political exclusions based on race, ethnicity, and religion, the rule of achievement links social promotion to merit and actual contribution to the advancement of the society, by which alone the perceived threat can be removed.

Facts supporting the theory abound. Thus, Japanese industrialization was propelled by changes perceived as necessary to counter the threat of colonization. The industrialization of East Asian countries is little intelligible unless we connect it with the need to counter the influence and spread of communism through the realization of economic advancement. Likewise, the continuous wars between neighboring countries and the subsequent need to back or counter expansionist designs go a long way in explaining the industrialization of European countries as well as that of North America.

Interestingly, at about the same time of Japan’s awakening to the imperative of modernization and in response to the same similar colonial threat, Ethiopia went through a comparable awareness epitomized by the rise of Emperor Tewodros. What else were Tewodros’s endeavors to end the Era of the Princes and his failed project to manufacture the first cannon but telling indications of the need for modernizing changes to resist colonial onslaughts? Still highly cognizant of the looming danger, Emperor Menilik opted for the different solution of expansion to the south. He conjectured that the integration of new territories would provide him with the much needed human and material resources to ward off the colonial danger. Unfortunately, the growing influence of foreign interests coupled with the spread and consolidation of a landed gentry generated the premises of an imperial autocratic system that postponed the need for reforms. We know what came next: the revolution of 1974 and the rise of the Derg, which led to the subjection of Ethiopia to the divisive and hegemonic rule of the TPLF.

Another chaotic, bloody, and perilous revolution was about to engulf the country when, as a result of the ethnic inequality and perverted rule of the TPLF and in reaction to popular uprisings, internal dissensions grew within the EPRDF. This political evolution put Ethiopia back in the situation where it can nurture a reforming nationalist elite. That the will to reform came from inside the ruling EPRDF and that this will emerged from the clear grasp that increased repression, as advocated by the TPLF, is useless, is perfectly in line with the conditions that fashion modernizing elites. Both the stubborn policy of repression of the TPLF and the continuous popular uprisings created the condition in which the survival of the elites that control power became dependent on conceiving and implementing reforms replacing ethnic entitlements and clientelism with the standard of achievement.

Does this mean that, with the installation of Abiy as Prime Minister, Ethiopia is out of the woods and on the right track toward a successful modernization? Of course not, for it is one thing to take a positive turn, quite another to consolidate the turn with institutional and structural changes. To begin with, nothing guarantees as yet that a majority of the EPRDF members are really committed to fostering an achievement-based social order. Secondly, groups that either defend ethnicity as a political and economic entitlement or call for the hegemonic rule of a given ethnic identity still proliferate in the country. These last groups are all the more dangerous as they find a natural ally in the sidelined but not yet defeated number one promoter of ethnic hegemony, namely, the TPLF. Thirdly, in the face of growing tensions and instability in the social order subsequent to conflicts fomented by highly ethnicized groups, Abiy and his supporters may well be compelled to resort to authoritarian methods. In fact, given that the primary role of the state is to protect law and order, a return to authoritarianism could become inevitable, despite Abiy’s repeated reluctance to contemplate such an outcome. Also, seeing the weakness of opposition parties and their deep ideological divisions, there is no guarantee that the coming election will lead to a peaceful result. Most importantly, a defeat or weakening of the EPRDF will open the door to all sorts of scary possibilities, in view of the fact that I do not see how an alternative party or coalition of opposing parties could emerge given the weakness of the parties and their often wide ideological disparities.

As a matter of fact, unless there is an amendment to the Constitution, it is very difficult to see how an alternative party that would have a national reach could emanate from the current ethnically fragmented electorate in Ethiopia. The more one becomes aware of the legal and ideological obstacles standing against the rise of national parties, the more one realizes that the attempt to defeat or weaken the present standing and leadership of the EPRDF offers nothing but a situation favoring ethno-nationalist parties, which will then foment disorder and violence to achieve their true goals. My fear is not that the coming election will not be democratic but that the result will be so fragmented that it will hamper the formation of a government. All bets are off if the coming elections do not return to power the EPRDF with its present leadership. The effort to promote transfer of power in Ethiopia by means of democratic elections is laudable, but it can also turn into recklessness or naïve idealism if prevailing conditions are not conducive for a reliable peaceful transition.

To contemplate the likelihood of a return to authoritarianism can be justly characterized as a pessimistic predication. However, even in the case where authoritarian methods become unavoidable, all is not necessarily bleak. Authoritarianism is not always a negative outcome so long as it continues to promote the order of achievement. It is imperative here to distinguish between political authority used to protect privileges (be they based on ethnic, religious, gender discriminations or on class rigidity instead of social mobility) and authority used to promote a social order upholding achievement. The distinction goes against the widely held view that democratization precedes and conditions economic development and modernization. In reality, a closer look at the history of developed countries shows that democracy is more of an outgrowth of societies engaged in the path of promoting achievement than a sine qua non of modernization. As indicated in the beginning of this article, what needs to happen is the rise of nationalist elites, that is, elites committed to modernize their societies so as to solve the crises threatening their social standing. What drives them primarily is not the concern for human rights or the equality of ethnic and religious groups, but the design and implementation of efficient methods to ward off threats. So conceived, their inspiration is not so much humanitarian, at least at the beginning, as scientific, if by “science” we mean the design of efficient methods to solve problems. And one fundamental condition for achieving developmental results is the end of all forms of clientelism and rigidity in favor of openness based on merit.

We often hear that democracy is about nothing else but the very survival of Ethiopia as a country. In thus assuming that there is only one way out and, what is more, the most difficult to achieve, we corner ourselves instead of opening various options. Yet, as Hölderlin said, “where the danger is, also grows the saving power.” This truth was verified by the rise of Abiy and his supporters. It could well happen again if we make good use of authoritarianism in case the latter becomes necessary to protect law and order threatened by the still virulent aftermaths of two decades of ethnic divisive rule. Instead of the previous authoritarian systems with their sterile, divisive, and ascriptive methods of rule, there is the option for an authoritarianism inspired by nationalist elites and whose objective is to make social status conditional on merit rather than on ethnic, religious, class, etc., affiliations. This form of authority is best defined by coaching rather than repression and extortion.

Messay Kebede is a professor for the Department of Philosophy at the University of Dayton

Professor

https://udayton.academia.edu/MessayKebede

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By: Yohanan Yokamo (Lecturer, Hawassa University)

 The Sidama People are one of the indigenous Cushitic or Kushitic language speaking Ethiopians. After EPRDF (Ethiopia People Revolutionary Democratic Front) assumed power in 1991 immediately after the transition period (between 1991-1995) the Sidama nation was granted regional self-administration for a brief period with only the Gedeo and Burji incorporated to it. However, this was only short lived when unexpectedly previously five distinct regions of the south were merged all together without consulting the Sidama nation and others concerned according to primarily a decision of the late Prime Minister Meles Zenawi. According to Lovise Aalen, the zone council pushed the quest for a separate regional status all the way to the Council of Nationalities until the late prime minster intervened.

However, the Constitution provides the right to statehood and the Sidama People, unlike other nation and nationalities in the region, has made a strong request to exercise constitutional right in democratic way.

Now it’s a critical time and the Sidama people are in the verge of writing a new chapter in their history book. In July 2018, members of the Sidama zone council approved unanimously a request by the Sidama people for regional statehood for the second time. The first one was in 2005. After brief deliberation, the SNNPRS council endorsed the decision and handed it to the National Electoral Board for referendum.

Sidama People Struggle

The widely accepted narration through stories and tales by the Sidama elders and scholars about their experience and historical memory within Ethiopia is one of repression and discrimination. Yet the Ethiopian official discourse does not address the problem save concealing it by selectively memorizing events and course of actions that justify its line of choice.

The Sidama have demanded their freedom from the very first day they fell under SNNPR and the current quest of the Sidama for a separate region is part and parcel of the Sidama people struggle for self-determination.

The memory of the May 24, 2002 Looqe massacre of Sidama citizens demonstrating against the denial of constitutional rights to regional self-administration in Loqqe village (out skirt of Sidama capital Hawassa city), by regional police and federal troops is still fresh, and nobody was ever held accountable. Since that dark day, the repression was frequent. Now, led by Baalichcha Worawo’s (Commonly, Sidama’s courageous spirits), young Sidaanchoos and freedom fighters like ‘Ejjeetto group, in Sidaamu Affo Language’ led by personalities selected from Sidama people at different level are still at struggle even as we speak.

In the letter dated 08/11/97 members of the Sidama Zonal Counicil combined history, geography and injustice against the Sidama and formally requested for statehood in 2005. Due to polical intervention, referendum has not taken place.  Still people from all segments of Sidama society are demanding these denied rights. The EPDRF government, disregarding the provision of these rights in its constitution articles 39 and 47, has suppressed the Sidama nation and continually to ignore its people when they raise these legal and legitimate questions. Sometime also the regime tries to hoodwink the Sidama people by installing handpicked Sidama cadres to do its dirty work at regional and zone levels. For instance, there is a reasonable suspicion that in order to divert attention of the Sidama people from asking statehood request, the ruling party of SNNPRS (SPDM) recruited personnel’s have been working to divide Sidama activists and clan leaders to fight one another and furthermore some even claim that these persons ever have been working to create a conflict between the Sidama people and the surrounding Oromia people.

To this end, the Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) that is currently at work clearly specifies that all nations, nationalities and peoples enjoy recognition and equal legal protection including the freedom to develop and preserve their identity and enhance the unabridged use and enrichment of their cultures and languages. (Art. 39 of the Constitution) In this regard, what the Sidama People requires is consistent with the Constitution, and is to make economic progress and develop its culture.

Once the decision is obtained from the election board, a referendum shall be organized within a year.  (Article 39 & 47 of the Constitution) If the referendum confirms the demand for separate statehood, which is the most likely outcome, then Sidama automatically becomes the 10^th State constituting the Ethiopian Federation, thereby injecting an informal amendment to, at least, Article 47 of the constitution.

There are those who are deriding, mocking, or otherwise undermining this decision today. But the Sidama people are not demanding anything outside of their own legitimate rights. The recent conflict between the Wolayita and the Sidama was a sad incident and caused destructive consequences form both groups. Apart from this incident, the Sidama have been accommodating the Wolayta and other ethnic groups peacefully, although there are concerns that especially some Wolayta are conspiring against the statehood request.  Such concerns are somehow reasonable to consider that many Wolayta politician, activist and scholars used to defend and made critique against the Sidama’s statehood request.

Next steps and Further Tasks Required

While the process granting is going on, the Sidama People may do well to:

1. Start good negotiations about shared immovable property (office buildings) with SNNPR region and also especially the manner, duration, and terms of cohabitation of SNNPRS, at least temporarily, as a boundary of Sidama National Regional State and properly divide the shared immovable properties of SNNPRS situated in Sidama’s Zone capital city, Hawassa.
2. The modes of protection to be accorded to minorities, i.e., non-Sidamas, residing in the region. In order to address the issue of minority and adjust adequate guarantees to the rights of their intra-unit minorities, the Sidama people has to carefully study the history, socio-economic, demographic and political position of Sidama Zone and its capital, Hawassa city and other citizens living in Sidama National Regional State.
3. Draft, adopts, and enacts its constitution;
4. Constitute its government institutions and structure, and assign officials as appropriate accordingly.

It is hoped that the recent Sidama decision today will open up a new chapter in the development of the country’s constitutional processes and the jurisprudence thereof. The youth can also best promote the image of Sidama nation and appeal its concern to the international and national bodies.

Although the Sidama youth and freedom fighters experienced repeated setbacks whilst doing so, during their pursuit of justice for their own nation, to date they aren’t in agreement with the decisions of those who are in power. These Sidama Ejeetto’s rather keeps pushing for better governance, justice and rule of law in Sidama land and beyond. The Sidama youth and freedom fighters keep pushing for the constitutional rights to be fully materialized as per constitution of the country until the Sidama is in position to manage its own resources and all-round affairs.

Government Silence Vis-Vis Sidama People Quest

The National Electoral Board has not yet formally set a date for referendum. According to article 47(3/a) of FDRE’s constitution, referendum should be held within one-year from the time the request has been approved by people’s representatives (in this case the Sidama zone council). Six months have passed since this happened. And yet, no official pronouncements from the board which, surprisingly, has chosen to remain silent on an issue of this magnitude. We know reform is taking place at the board, including installment of a new chairperson, but does that mean it is not to be able to announce at least a tentative date for referendum?

Delay of the referendum is opening a door for many illegal as well as unrepresentative Sidama and non – Sidama people to create chaos in the region in guise of Sidama people right. The board should quickly arrange a referendum for the Sidama People in accordance with the constitutional principles.

Recently when the Prime Minister talked to selected teachers from Ethiopia, PM Dr. Abiy has made an answer to teachers question stating that the boundary commission is working to address issues including the question of statehood. However, what many of people wrongly associated the PM’s answer with the ongoing Sidama people question have forgotten to identify that Sidama do not have boundary problems and at no time presented any boundary claims to any state organs. The boundary commission does not concern the Sidama nation. Its work does not relate to the Sidama referendum and the commission is not required to conduct the referendum. Pursuant to article 47(3) (a) of the Constitution, it is the council of SNNPRs that would organize Referendum to Sidama nation.  However, due to lack of experience and required human resources, the SNNPRS council has endorsed the National Election Board to only to manage the conduct of the referendum polls.

It is also good to look a bit closely into the claims that many other nation in SNNPR or others working to reverse the quest of the Sidama people for its own statehood in different way. For instance, other nations like Wolayita, Keffa and Gurage in the SNNPR have made similar demands. Many arguments being made that the case that these nations made similar question for independent region might create a challenge the demand of Sidama. However, such arguments do not consider that Sidama request to its own region is independent constitutional and legal question that they should not waste your energy trying to defend the indefensible in democratic manner. Unless their argument fails logical and legal test that might be considered as blindly opposed to this legit question.

Furthermore, the Sidama’s request for statehood has a positive implication to other nations of SNNPRS asking similar request. This is because the Article 46 (2) of the Constitution of Ethiopia affirms that “States shall be delimited on the basis of the settlement patterns, language, identity and consent of the people concerned”. Thus, because SNNPRS was not delimited on the basis of the settlement patterns, language, identity and consent of the people in contravention to Article 46(2), it is a matter of time for the SNNPRS to be dismantled.

Furthermore, by looking at the latest report of the Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRC), one can get a look why many in one or other way working to reverse the quest of the Sidama people for its own statehood and self-governance legal question in the process.

In this regard, one Development Economist and the former Sidama Development Corporation Director, Dr. Wolassa Lawisso has pointed out that the Ethiopian Human Rights Council, has refused to live up it ethos of defending the rights of all citizens impartially. In its report on the unrest in Sidama in June and in other parts of the country, the council squandered an opportunity to conduct a professional and objective assessment of what unfolded in Sidama. Instead, the commission exclusively dwelt on a one-sided anti-Sidama narrative. As Dr. Wolassa has reasoned that the report blatantly portrays the unrest as an attack on Wolayita by the Sidama youth during the Sidama’s most peaceful traditional New Year Fichchee while it was crystal clear that the unrest was carefully planned and stage-managed by anti-peace and anti-reform elements that have been wreaking havoc across the country since the new government took office in March/April 2018. Sidama was no different. The report flagrantly paints the Sidama nation, the victim as the perpetrator of the injustice. It ignores the fact that the Hawassa massacre was the second massacre of the Sidama nation in two decades after the Looqqee massacre of 24 May 2002. The report never cared to even mention the names of the Sidama victims killed by government security forces in Hawassa in June 2018.  Again the report never cared to assess the atrocities meted the Sidama female students in Wolayita Sodo University.

Conclusion

The Sidama struggle for political and economic equality in Ethiopia has been around for a long time.

Therefore, the repeated denial of the said constitutional rights of the Sidama nation to regional self-administration is one of the driving-forces in uniting the Sidama youth and freedom fighters (Ejeetto) and others segments of the society, further shaping and reinforcing their nationalism and national identity.

Thus, it’s possible to say that the Sidama youth and freedom fighter can be the owner of its destiny and can shape its futurity by rejecting all forms of injustices imposed on Sidama people as a nation. The role of the Sidama Ejeetto therefore cannot be underemphasized.

Currently, those could help build a strong, if not unbreakable, bond between the Sidama people and others are still silent and wrongly acting against the Sidama People. This genuine quest for regional self-administration is morally and politically strong and will continue for generation unless Sidama’s false marriage is annulled. The Sidama nation will continue with their quest with utmost heroism, bravery and unshakable unity.

Reference

• Aalen ‘The Politics of Ethnicity’
• Ambaye Ogato (PhD), COMMENTARY: SIDAMA-WOLAYTA CONFLICT: A PRISTINE MYTH TURNING INTO REALITY? HOOLA HALALEHO
• Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis (June 5, 2007): Seyoum Hameso and the Sidama Diaspora Intellectuals
• Hammer: Sidama People, 1998
• Markos Tekle Rike (PHD), State-Society Relations and Traditional Modes of Governance in Ethiopia: A Case Study of Sidama 2014
• Government Sponsored official Book titled ‘Ye Sidama Biher Tarik ena Bahil’
• Tunsisa Tafe (PhD), 2019)’High Hopes for Referendum to Resolve the Sidama People’s Quest for Regional Statehood Despite the Surprising Silence of the National Election Board of Ethiopia’ (Unpublished)
• Wolassa Lawisso (PHD, 2019): The Ethiopian Human Rights Council Abuses the Human Rights of the Sidama Nation in its 146th Partisan Report (unpublished)
• Wolassa Lawisso Kummo, “The Sidama Nation: History, Culture and Political Economy” 2016
• Yared Legesse (LLB, LLM, S.J.D): ‘Secession under the Federal and Sub-national Constitutions of Ethiopia: Navigating the Distance between Text and Structure’

Online Source:

• Federico Mayor, Director General of UNESCO 1989, accessed on December, 2018)

The post The Case of the Sidama People’s Referendum for Regional Statehood in Ethiopia: The Need for Speedy Proceeding! appeared first on Satenaw Ethioopian News & Breaking News: Your right to know!.

Mebratu D Kelecha, For Addis Standard

Addis Abeba, January 15/2019 – There are diverse experiences of “democratic transition” around the world, as well as the causes that lead to such transition and its outcomes. As the factors of “democratic transition” are inherently diverse and complex, the current transition in Ethiopia also cannot be explained by one factor, as shown below.

Factors that cause transition

The ruling EPRDF rejected changes for a long time. Curbing reformist elements within the party and suppressing the oppositions were rampant. These practices forced some groups to take up arms against the regime because they believed that there was no alternative to moving to a democratic system except through armed struggle. But the current transition is not linked to any of these arm struggles waged against the regime by rebellions. It must be clear that none of the armed forces solely caused the ongoing changes in the country except to play a role in popular protests and solidarity movements organized by the lead organizers. In fact, many of them were invited to come to the country after the protest movements forced then prime minster Hailemariam Desalegn to resign and brought Abiy Ahmed to the helm of the national power. Opposition forces have not been able to meaningfully challenge the EPRDF because of its extreme polarization and fragility partly as a result of its own repressive policies. Thus, no political parties, their leaders or ideology can fake political history and claim victory for a political current that they have not precipitated, controlled or delivered.

However, there are many other interrelated and essential factors that have caused the transition. First, there are factors that aggravated the regime’s crises and the inability of the EPRDF to confront them effectively. These crises include economic, cultural, social and political. The regime could not effectively cope with these crises, despite public tolerance, so it further lost its legitimacy as the public opposition intensified against it, supported by largely non-violent movements. After being plunged into a constant crisis, EPRDF embraced the political openness to overcome its problems and seem to be following the path of democratization to accommodate the opposition.

Second, since the death of the late Meles Zenawi in August 2012, there have been concerns about the relative balance of power among political actors in the constituent parties of the EPRDF. In addition, public protests threatened the cohesion of the ruling elite, empowering those in need of change, gradually joining popular protests. This strengthened the public support of the popular protests and increased the perseverance of the grassroots social movements and their effectiveness in fighting the heavy-handedness of the government. With the intensification of protests, the rift between the hardliners and the soft-liners in the EPRDF has widened, and eventually the reform wing of the ruling elite has come to the conviction that moving on the road to democracy is the safest way to avoid the possibility of regime change by force. On the other hand, the absence of strong opposition forces capable of coordinating and leading the transition has increased the bargaining capacity of the reformers within the ruling party to continue incumbency during the transition period to avoid the possibility of regime change that they feared would disintegrate the country.

Third, the popular protest that shocked the country for more than three years is the main trigger of the transition. It is argued that the current transition took place based on an agreement reached through bargaining and negotiations between the reform wing of the ruling party and the lead organizers of the popular protests, especially after the twin politicians, Lemma Megersa and Abiy Ahmed, were appointed to the office of president and vice president of the Oromia regional state respectively. The reform group was also convinced that it is unable to continue the closed policies and repressive practices due to the pressures from popular protests. Thus, the option of political openness and the transition to a democratic system agreed with the lead organizers of the social movements.

As noted here, the current reform is triggered by a combination of factors, mainly pressures from popular protests and the political leadership of the reform wing of the EPRDF regime. Thus, it is a transition from within the existing system and the grassroots social movement. The process began when the group known as TeamLemma has come to the conviction that the cost of opening up and democratization was less than the cost of continuing the two and half decades authoritarian practices. Since then, this reform wing has played a key role in shifting the balance of power within the EPRDF and in engineering radical reforms.

The transition process so far corresponds to a gradual transformation of the political system into several stages: from movement to political openness, a promising democratic transition through the promise of free and fair elections in 2020 and another stages of consolidation of democracy. Despite inspiring reform initiatives, the unprecedented developments in the country require a political road map and appropriate institutional support. From this perspective, the creation of a new democratic system is facing a major test.

Decompression of authoritarianism

Today in Ethiopia there are signs of a more liberal and open political space than ever before. This includes the release of imprisoned journalists and political prisoners, the easing of restrictions on public expression, the decriminalization of armed opposition groups previously seen as terrorists (save for latest developments involving the OLF, which requires its own analysis), and the commitment to respect human rights. The open rejection of the “messianic” ideology of revolutionary democracy by ODP and ADP, much to the chagrin of the TPLF, is another sign that seems to be moving in the right direction. These are bold steps to correct past mistakes. And, the new prime minister has expressed his desire to create a durable democratic space of a wider spectrum in his inaugural speech in parliament on April 2, 2018, and at the consultative meeting held on 27 November 2018 with more than 80 political parties registered in Ethiopia as well as those that returned to the country at the invitation of the Prime Minister.

Despite these real hopes, however, it does not mean that it as simple as a walk in the park. The challenges remain immense and range from political, security, economic to social problems all of which requiring quick and appropriate responses from the Government. If not properly managed, the current political opening may take several dangerous routes. Returning to some form of authoritarian regime or engaging in an internal conflict is not impossible, as deadly conflicts persist. It is too early to comment on Ethiopia’s course in this regard, but there is some evidence that Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s reform programs are being seriously tested. However, a non-violent transition, the kind of transition initiated by the reformist group within EPRDF and supported by the non-violent popular uprising, is often accompanied by a higher degree of democracy and better opportunities to continue and strengthen the emerging democratic system. Organized political parties should be able to take advantage of this opportunity to advance democratic governance on the horizon. So far, the one thing so clear is that the old authoritarian elements of the regime have collapsed, but building a new democratic system faces a serious challenge.

Obstacles and Challenges facing the transition

After a year of political openness, one of the questions that has yet to be answered by the group leading this transition is what should be the next step after the release of dissidents and the decriminalization of armed opposition parties to create free and open democratic space? Central to this is the strength of the opposition forces to engage in the transition process and the ability of the Government to ensure respect for the rule of law while accommodating diverse views on the programs of transition. These points are elaborated as follows.

The popular protests that have endured heavy government crackdowns for more than three years in a row led to the collapse of the old EPRDF as we know it and opened the transition to democracy in the absence of a viable and alternative opposition force to participate. As it appears in the transition process, the opposition parties are weak and therefore have limited capacity to influence the management of the transition process. This is the main reason why the popular protests did not pose a major threat to the ruling party’s continued incumbency to lead the transition to democracy. Not surprisingly, activists and individual figures appear to have a greater influence on the transition process than organized opposition parties. The influence of the opposition forces is weakened even after the collapse of the undemocratic elements of the regime. As a result, the structure of the current transition reflects a significant power imbalance between the Government and the opposition in favor of the former. The opposition and their leaders are lagging behind in bargaining and negotiating with the Government on the steps and actions necessary to create a democratic system on the ruins of the old regime. The continuing fragility of the opposition could lead to yet another stage of EPRDF dominance in the political settlement of Ethiopia if the opposition forces remain weak and cannot form a viable alternative to negotiating the rules of the democratic game. In addition, the public is concerned that if there is no consensus on the rules of the democratic game before the elections within EPRDF and among the opposition forces, the electoral process and the possible consequences of electoral violence will pose a serious threat to the survival of the Ethiopian state.

On the other hand, everyone now understands that the decompression of authoritarianism does not in itself lead to transition to a democratic polity unless the rule of law is respected. A look at change and continuity in the political life of Ethiopia tells us that the release of dissidents and a thriving press at the beginning of the 1991 transition period did not lead to a new democratic dispensation, except that they first raised public expectations, a kind of euphoria that we have been witnessing lately. However, the failure to fulfill promises led to growing frustration over the next 27 years of the EPRDF rule. Respect for the rule of law should be the top priority of the government. In this regard, the continued conflicts in different parts of the country is worrying, since the likelihood of such events to trigger a return to some form of authoritarianism or might escalate into the disintegration of more than 100 million population of the country is not unlikely. Such a scenario may plunge the entire region into chaos. The collapse of the current Ethiopian state is tantamount to committing collective suicide, and therefore political parties, particularly the youths, have a vested interest and moral responsibility to prevent such a tragedy from happening by deescalating the conflicts. Thus, ensuring peace and order should be a priority for Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed by establishing the rule of law to resolve conflicts that spread throughout the country. It also helps create a sense of citizenship and belonging to a political community without political affiliation or membership in ethnic communities, which will have a positive effect on reducing tensions.

Citizen perseverance is also key to the success of democracy in any country, so the Ethiopian public is no longer satisfied only with the holding of an election but will also be very interested in what happens to their votes after the elections. In other words, new generations of young people want to do whatever the law allows, so that their votes have real impacts, unlike in the past. As elections are too close, can the government put in place institutional backing to the expanding democratic space to meet the growing expectations? There are several things that must be wisely managed to deal with this concern.

First, on the way to building democracy, it is necessary to clarify the short-term and long-term agendas. The question is, of course, “how”? It is necessary to organize the rules of political engagement and participation. A clear political roadmap is needed to support the impressive measures aimed at creating a transitional order. Thus, the new political leaders must proceed by distancing themselves from self-praise triumphalism. They will have to be courageous, show political imagination and tolerance for differences in order to create a solid democratic order. Clear vision and purpose are needed to tread the uncharted waters of post-authoritarian construction.

Second, institutional and political reconstruction are required to entrust people with all sovereign checks and balances. There is need for strong civil society organizations dedicated to promoting the values ​​of democracy, voter education and constructive engagement with key actor such as the electoral commission, political parties and the security agencies.

Third, the significant rise in the level of access to and use of social media and modern technology and tools such as the Internet, mobile phone, Facebook and Twitter have become important means of mobilization particularly during the protests across the country. Parties and candidates have embraced them, but the influence they exert in the political field comes with treacherous possibilities. Certain aspects of the wave of ethnic conflicts spreading throughout the country can be attributed to the increasing use of social media. Moreover, the growth of “fake news” is a threat to the spread of legitimate news. An increasing number of Ethiopian journalists often use social media platforms to get news, creating the possibility of writing an incorrect story. Thus, with increasing reliance on social media to obtain news and form opinions, can the new leadership find a method of ensuring that the political news being broadcast on social media does not endanger public peace and order?

Fourth, the creation of a durable democratic space should not become hostage to the generosity of the incumbent or the short-lived passion of the population. Much needs to be done starting with the revision of the repressive laws such as the electoral laws, the anti-terrorism, cyber-security and charities legislation and proclamations. However, the most sustainable support for democracy must come from the institutional checks and balances of government power. For instance, a durable democracy needs a legislative body that can serve as a significant audit of the executive. In the past, because of the democratic centralism ideology of the ruling party, the Ethiopian parliament was a mere rubber stamp of EPRDF decisions. For the first time, ODP’s MPs have deviated from the decision of the party when eighty-eight lawmakers voted against the second state of emergency declared by the Council of Ministers in mid-February 2017. Such a different voice is strictly contrary to the discipline of the party. Thus, in the interests of a wider democratic space, can the ruling party continue to provide more room for the opposition and encourage pluralism in its own ranks?

Fifth, the existence of an independent and impartial judiciary is a fundamental requirement of democratic Ethiopia. The recent appointment of a prominent lawyer and women’s rights activist Meaza Ashenafi to head the Federal Supreme Court indicates the desire to do away with the basis of authoritarian rule in Ethiopia: executive control over the judicial system. However, creating an efficient and independent judiciary is a long-term effort.

The same holds true in reforming the electoral board. In the light of the upcoming general elections, it is urgent to take bold measures to strengthen the independence and authority of the National Electoral Commission, including procedures for a strong public scrutiny of its officials. The same applies to other key institutions, such as the Commission on Human Rights and the Ombudsman. However, given that the elections are a mere one year and a half away, can we expect that the reform leaders will be able to strengthen these institutions and institutionalize the rule of democratic game so that they play a crucial role to safeguard against authoritarian bents in the transition process? This shall be a test of time as we proceed to the forthcoming general elections.

Finally, the biggest challenges will come from competing nationalism and their potential links to organized politics. The new leaders seemed to have embraced a pro-Ethiopian nationalism and enjoy a broad based support. For some time, it seemed this support was a lasting support. But there is no guarantee that this support from the rival nationalist movements will continue, because their alliance is not strategically based on shared political visions. This exacerbates the challenges facing the current transition. On one hand the fierce rivalry between the various competing nationalist movements may not create a fertile ground for the development of a democratic culture. On the other hand, the inability of the government to tame these nationalist movements to the extent that it undermines the possibility of transition to democracy is also endangering the incumbency of the EPRDF as a governing national coalition in the forthcoming elections.

Basically, the threat to EPRDF’s survival comes from multiple sources: one from its incapability to tame the nationalist movements; two from its regional competitors; and three from its own ranks. It seems that some elements of the EPRDF and the armed opposition parties are preoccupied with their own gain at the expense of the collective fate of the country. The question and the great concern is therefore if political openness endangers the survival of the EPRDF or poses a serious threat to the survival of the state, will the new leaders remain committed to expanding the democratic space or resort to the use of force to overcome the threat? Again, the use of force to overcome this danger would undermine the aspiration to expand democratic space. One of the big risks that Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed faces is also the ways in which the basic contradiction within the EPRDF and between rival nationalist movements can be accommodated in his present initiatives and future reform programs. It is therefore not easy to know where these links, competition and conflicts between political parties and varied nationalist movements will lead.

People’s power victories can be lost

The authoritarian rule is gone, but the remnants may still exist. Not much in terms of personalities, political language and symbolism of actual political power, but in terms of political chaos or even immorality. Politics must be restored as a moral project with goals beyond leaders, parties and ideologies. The critical mass that ultimately led to the defeat the old order, with the tipping-point provided by TeamLemma, should be able to prove its sustainability in the reform and transition phase. In other words, they must be able to institutionalize a new democratic order on the ruins of the old and the vestiges it left behind. But this is a tight political rope for all concerned. The presence of two divergent visions of Ethiopia — one slipping toward despotism with political regionalism rearing its head, and the other, an ambition toward a democratic future — is a delicate path to navigate by the current leadership. As recent trends go by, once again, it seems the party, the state and society are being blended in political warfare – and uncertainty is clouding the hopes for free and fair elections. The inability to overcome these challenges means that people’s power victories can be lost, leaving the stage for unpredictable fall out. No victory that began defeating the power of the people outlasts it.

AS

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By  Al Mariam’

Just a year ago…

Last year, on the occasion of Dr. Martin Luther King’s Day I pondered what Dr. King’s message would be for young Ethiopians were he alive.

I said he would advise them to continue engaging in acts of civil disobedience and nonviolent resistance against the 27-year long oppressive rule of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), a gathering of hard-core murderous thugs.

When I joined the Ethiopian human rights movement following the Meles Massacres of 2005, I announced, “We prove the righteousness of our cause not in battlefields soaked in blood and filled with corpses, but in the living hearts and thinking minds of men and women of good will.”

I have always urged Ethiopia’s youth (Cheetahs/Abo Shemanes) to avoid violence and strive for peaceful change in Ethiopia using nonviolence, the most powerful weapon in the world.

Last year this time, I urged  Ethiopia’s young people to continue with their nonviolent struggle because ethnic apartheid in Ethiopia is on its last legs and victory is in sight.

On January 20, 2018, exactly a year ago today, I rhetorically exhorted Ethiopia’s youth in King-esque style:

How long, eske meche (እስከ መቼ!) will wounded justice remain downtrodden on the dirt roads in the countryside and the highways be lifted and the hearts and minds of every Ethiopian healed?
Not long! Qenu derswal (ቀኑ ደርሷል)!
How long, eske meche (እስከ መቼ!) before the truth crushed to earth rise up again in Ethiopia?
Not long! Qenu derswal (ቀኑ ደርሷል)!
When will the dark cloud of TPLF oppression be lifted from the Ethiopian skies and the sun return to the Land of 13 Months of Sunshine?
Not long! Qenu derswal (ቀኑ ደርሷል)!
How long before Ethiopia is free from the yoke of ethnic apartheid?
Not long! Qenu derswal (ቀኑ ደርሷል)!
We shall overcome!

A sustained youth-driven nonviolent movement in 2018 finally put an end to 27 years of thug-rule in Ethiopia.

But I remember…

I remember those who for years laughed at me when I said the thug-rule of the TPLF would end not with a bang — “the crash of guns, the rattle of musketry and  the strange, mournful mutter of the battlefield” — but a whimper.

TPLF’s minions said I was naïve. I have been away from home so long, I have no idea of the reality “on the ground”.

They scorned me,  “Al Mariam is ignorant of the underlying factors of TPLF’s staying power and predicts state collapse on every small and big occasion.”

They said I simply did not understand how powerful and entrenched the TPLF is.

The TPLF has all the money. They control the army, police and security forces. They have a powerful secret Agazi force.

They have the support of the U.S., China and what have you.

They are invincible. They are untouchable. They are unchallengeable.

The TPLF and their lackeys succeeded in convincing their opposition that they can be removed from power only through brute force, the barrel of AK-47.

The late TPLF leader used to taunted them, “If you want to seize power, go into the bush like we did and fight your way back.”

The duped TPLF opposition adopted the battle cry, “Armed struggle to the end!”

I knew better.

I told Ethiopia’s young people not to be afraid because TPLF ain’t s _ _t.

I told them in Fbruary 2016, to keep on waging their nonviolent struggle because the TPLF is a Beast with feet of clay.

I told them, “When gazed upon, the T-TPLF appears awesome, formidable and infinitely powerful. It has guns, tanks, rockets, planes and bombs. Though the T-TPLF has legs of iron, its feet are made of clay.”

But I had assured Ethiopia’s young people with prophetic certainty, three years ago almost to the month, that the TPLF will soon be smashed and trashed into the dustbin of history in massive nonviolent resistance:

The T-TPLF is fast approaching its day of reckoning. What happens to the T-TPLF is in T-TPLF’s hands. It can choose the path of peaceful change or it can invite violent revolution. Regardless, the T-TPLF Beast will soon be carried away and ‘become like chaff from the summer threshing floors.’ It will be ‘carried in the wind so that no trace of them is found’ and those who have troubled the Ethiopia House ‘shall inherit the wind.’ It is so written!

Today, as I write this commentary, I am deeply moved that what has been written has come to pass with demonstrable accuracy.

Yes, in 2018, Ethiopia’s Abo Shemanes (Cheetahs) became victorious in a nonviolent struggle!

Yes, in 2018, the TPLF got smashed and was swept in the trash bin of history in a nonviolent youth resistance.

In the end, the mighty TPLF cut and run to hide in its self-made kilil hideout with its tail between its legs whimpering like a beaten dog licking its wounds.

“They make a noise like a dog, and go round about the city. Howling with hunger for their prey, they sneak round and round the walls, prowling with stealthy footstep, and barking in unamiable concert.”

Today, the TPLF whines, moans, groans and cackles from its hideout, “But we are being persecuted because of our ethnicity.”

Hogwash! Baloney!

The TPLF complaining about ethnic persecution to avoid accountability is like the Devil quoting Scripture to save his damnable soul.

But none of it matters because we are free of the TPLF cancer.

True, the TPLF cancer is trying to come back. They are financing terrorism and insurrection with the billions they stole from Ethiopians. They are plotting to set Ethiopian against Ethiopian so they can return to power.

Let the TPLF be forewarned with this prophesy if they continue in their evil ways, “Their swords will pierce their own hearts, and their bows will be broken.”

No matter. We are free of the TPLF.

In the words of Dr. King, “Free at last, Free at last, Thank God Almighty” we are free at last from TPLF thug-rule!

Where do we go from here chaos or community?”

Today, in the United States we celebrate the extraordinary life, achievements and legacy of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.

The third Monday of January, also known as King Day or MLK Day, commemorates Dr. King’s birthday. He would have been 90 years old this year.

My long-time readers know that hardly do I write a weekly commentary without drawing on the words of Dr. King. He has been an inspirational figure in my life since childhood.

The first time I “met” Dr. King was when I was in the ninth or tenth grade, one-half century  ago.

I heard an upperclassman at my high school recite Dr. King’s “I have A Dream” speech during assembly.

I was moved by the words as the student passionately recited them from memory. That event is forever etched in my mind.

I day dreamed of the day I would go to America and be part of the youth movements I read about in Newsweek and Time. I did not have much interest in the local socialist-oriented youth movement.

When I arrived in America in June 1970, I fit right in.

As an undergraduate majoring in political science, I even wrote a paper about the relevance of Dr. King’s ideas to the struggle in Africa.

I concluded Karl Marx, V.I. Lenin and Mao Zedong were the future of Africa.

Within a couple of years in America as college student, I was radicalized into believing violence was the way to victory.

My sophomoric mantra was, “Political power grows out of the barrel of a gun.”

By the late 1970s, as the military junta (Derg) unleashed its “red terror” campaign in Ethiopia killing thousands of young people, including some of my friends and relatives, my views changed.

I learned that it was easy to rationalize the deaths of strangers, but the pain of losing family an friends was simply unbearable.

I began to study nonviolence as a means of political change.

As I read Dr. King, Gandhi and Thoreau in the 1980s, I became convinced the only thing that grows out of the barrel of a gun is death and destruction.

I began to realize violent revolution was a convenient altar for the power hungry and thirsty to sacrifice the blood of innocent people so they can seize power. I realized violence is a never-ending cycle. Violence solves nothing. It dawned on me that the cradle of violence is hate.

Dr. King wrote:

The ultimate weakness of violence is that it is a descending spiral begetting the very thing it seeks to destroy, instead of diminishing evil, it multiplies it. Through violence you may murder the liar, but you cannot murder the lie, nor establish the truth. Through violence you may murder the hater, but you do not murder hate. In fact, violence merely increases hate.

This past Christmas one of the presents I received from my family was Dr. King’s book, “Where Do We Go From Here Chaos or Community?”

It is a prophetic book filled with hope and confidence in the infinite capacity for goodness in humanity.

Dr. King lays out his vision, dreams, plans and expectations for America’s future.

To me what is extraordinary about this book is best expressed in Mrs. Coretta Scott King’s Foreword.

Mrs. King wrote, the book “stresses the common cause of all the disinherited, white and black, laying the basis for the contemporary struggles… The solutions he offered can still save our society from self-destruction”.

Medemer: The solution to save Ethiopia and America from self-destruction

The eerie query title of Dr. Kings book today gnaws at the back of my mind: “Where Do We Go From Here Chaos or Community?”

We as in “We, the People of the United States”.

We as in “We the people of Ethiopia”, NOT as the so-called nations, nationalities and peoples in Ethiopia.

I have discredited the nonsense about “nations, nationalities and peoples” in Ethiopia.

But where do we go from here in the United States of America and in Ethiopia?

I am not sure if I should say The United States or The Divided States of America.

When I first came to America nearly 50 years ago, I attended a foreign student’s orientation at my college and was told America is a melting pot of races, ethnicities, cultures, nationalities, etc.

That was the first time I heard Benjamin Franklin’s saying, “United we stand, divided we fall”.

Almost fifty years later, Franklin’s words sound hollow to me.

In today’s America, it seems to me more like united we fall, divided we stand. Stand as in a face-off. Stand as in stand your ground, never give an inch.

Our Congress is divided. Our Supreme Court is divided.

Our country is divided between Red and Blue States, although the flag is red, white and blue. I always believed it was the United (not red/blue) States.

But today, we are divided by race, class, ethnicity, national origin, gender, sexual orientation, language and on and on.

We are divided by citizenship and immigration status. Some of us want to build a wall to keep out the rest of the world out of the land of immigrants.

What happened to our traditional motto, E pluribus unum (out of many, one)?

What happened to the pledge of allegiance, “one Nation under God, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all”?

Indivisible, with liberty and justice for all. Today, it is, “Just for Us and Just (who cares about) Them.”

In the old days, they used to say, “Americans in unity, and unity in Americans!”

Thomas Jefferson boasted, “The cement of this union is the heart-blood of every American.”

I am afraid there is an evil coursing in the heart-blood of every American.

Division has become America’s leukemia.

I believe hate feeds the cancer of division in the American heart-blood.

As Dr. King said, “Like an unchecked cancer, hate corrodes the personality and eats away its vital unity. Hate destroys a man’s sense of values and his objectivity. It causes him to describe the beautiful as ugly and the ugly as beautiful, and to confuse the true with the false and the false with the true.”

But Ethiopians are also not spared the unchecked cancer of hate in heart-blood.

That cancerous hate metastasizes in ethnic arrogance, religious zealotry, intolerance, disdain for the truth and general ignorance of the ways of forefathers and foremothers.

A year ago, I trembled in cold sweat watching Ethiopia inching towards a creeping civil war.

Today, I rejoice in the fact that God has smiled on Ethiopia and steered her away from civil war to civil peace, to civil government, to civility and to civil reconciliation.

Ethiopians have an old saying. “If spiders’ web could be made into twine, it could tie up a lion.”

If thousands of spiders could come together for a common purpose (“Medemer) and work together, they could snag and bag that big ole king of the jungle.

“Medemer” is the only cure to the cancer of hate and division.

Last August, I told Ethiopians the only question they face is Medemer or not Medemer.

This past October, I formulated an equation for Medemer.

M(edemer)= Sc(social capital) x Ac2 (active citizens)

Where Sc is social capital defined as the networks of relationships among people who live and work in a particular society, and

Ac is defined as the number of people getting involved actively in their local communities and democracy at all levels (from towns to cities to nationwide activity).

“Medemer” is simply a metaphor for practicing the principle of inclusiveness.

Medemer is based on the principle, “Without you, there is no me. Without me, there is no you.”

In other words, without Oromos, there are no Amharas; without Amharas, there are no Tigreans; without Tigreans there are no Somalis; Without Somalis, there are no Sidama, without Sidama, there are not Woleyita; without Woleyita, there are no Afari; without Afari, there are no Harari; without Harari, there are no Anuak and on and on.

Without each other in Ethiopia, there is only “the other”.

The “other” who is the enemy.

The “other” who must be annihilated.

The “other” who is a stranger among us, even though in every way s/he is one of us, our flesh and blood.

In July 2008, in frustration over who is the enemy in Ethiopia,  I wrote a commentaryentitled, “We have met the Enemy. He is Us.”

Dr. King taught is that “Life’s most persistent and urgent question is, ‘What are you doing for others’?”

For me, that question translates, “What are you doing within your power for the powerless, the defenseless, the hopeless and helpless?”

Most importantly, what are political, social and economic leaders saying to be inclusive or divisive?

In the United States, President Donald Trump has chosen the path of division. He wants to create an America of “Us and Them”.

He proclaims, “Let’s Make America Great”.

He is willfully ignorant of the fact that what makes America great is the great American Dream.

The world flocks to America in search of the American Dream.

I believe the dream we all came looking for in the land of immigrants is Dr. King’s “dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: ‘We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal.’”

We came looking for Dr. King’s dream that America “will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice” in a global desert of injustice and indifference.

We came looking for Dr. King’s dream that one day we will all “live in a nation [a world] where [we are] not judged by the color of [our] skin but by the content of [our] character.”

I wrote about my great Ethiopian Dream back in 2012.

It is a dream rooted in peace and I-N-C-L-U-S-I-V-E-N-E-S-S.

I insisted on inclusive dialogue to establish an Ethiopia at peace:

To restore Ethiopia to good health, we must begin national dialogue, not only in the halls of power, the corridors of the bureaucracy and the military barracks but also in the remotest villages, the church and masjid meeting halls and other places of worship,  the schools and colleges, the neighborhood associations and in the taverns, the streets and markets and wherever two or more people congregate.  We have no choice but to begin talking to each other with good will and in good faith.

But what will make Ethiopia great?

Medemer! Medemer!Medemer!

When we include everyone into the whole fabric of Ethiopia — that single garment of destiny Dr. King talked about — undivided by ethnicity, religion, language, etc., then we know we have attained greatness in Ethiopia.

In Ethiopia, H.E. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has chosen the path of inclusiveness to make Ethiopia great.

Every day, he preaches the gospel of “We and Us.”

For PM Abiy, “Us” includes our neighbors who border us, all Africans and all people of the world.

Every day, PM Abiy preaches and teaches the wisdom of Dr. King, “We must all learn to live together as brothers or we will all perish together as fools. We are tied together in the single garment of destiny.”

The essence of Medemer is that all Ethiopians are tied together in the single garment of destiny.

We are all part of a single garment of destiny! Not just an Ethiopian and American destiny. We are part of the single garment of human destiny. But what is that destiny?

As Dr. King said, “It really boils down to this: that all life is interrelated. We are all caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied into a single garment of destiny. Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly. We are made to live together because of the interrelated structure of reality.”

The network of mutuality that Dr. King talked about, as it applies to Ethiopia and America today, is Medemer.

In Ethiopia and in America, we must all practice Medemer — practice living together on the principle of “live and let live” and talking to each other in good faith and in good will — as brothers and sisters, as friends and foes, as country folk and city dwellers, as political and party leaders, as religious leaders, as professionals, as young people, as women, as farmers and workers, as…

That has always been the Medemer message and practice of PM Abiy to his people at home and abroad.

Amazingly, practicing Medemer, PM Abiy welcomed back into Ethiopia individuals, groups and organizations previously damned as “terrorists”, “extremists” and “criminals.”

PM Abiy said anyone who is willing to engage in the peaceful political transformation of Ethiopia is a “winner”.

He said the only losers are those who want to kill, steal, rob and cheat their way into power.

PM Abiy invited all opposition groups to peacefully engage in the political transformation of the country.

He said if his part loses in a free and fair election conducted under broad international supervision, he would walk away from power with no questions asked.

Many accepted PM Abiy’s invitation and committed to the principle of  Medemer.

But some chose to perish as fools and today are fomenting terrorism and insurrection throughout the country.

But we all know, there are no fools like old fools!

In conclusion, I want to answer Dr. King’s timeless question for Ethiopia and for America: “Where Do We Go From Here Chaos or Community?”

My answer is crystal clear: We must choose community because we are paying a very high price for chaos.

The P-R-O-B-L-E-M that has brought us to this point of self-destruction in Ethiopia and America is D-I-V-I-S-I-O-N manufactured by power hungry and thirsty so-called leaders.

The S-O-L-U-T-I-O-N that can save our societies from self-destructive division is Medemer!

In his book “Stride Towards Freedom”, Dr. King wrote:

Every step towards the goal of justice requires sacrifice, suffering, and struggle; the tireless exertions and passionate concern of dedicated individuals.  Without persistent effort, time itself becomes an ally of the insurgent and primitive forces of irrational emotionalism and social destruction.  This is no time for apathy or complacency. This is a time for vigorous and positive action.

Medemer requires passionate and dedicated exertions by individual Ethiopians and Americans.

Medemer is the only way we can fight the insurgent and primitive forces of hate and division.

Now is the time for vigorous and positive Medemer action in Ethiopia and America.

The alternative to Medemer is foretold by Dr. King:

We must all learn to live together as brothers or we will all perish together as fools. We are tied together in the single garment of destiny.

“Your sons and your daughters shall prophesy,… [and] see visions, and your old men shall dream dreams.”

Medemer in Ethiopia. Medemer in America.

The post Medemer in America and Ethiopia: My Personal Tribute to the Life, Achievements and Legacy of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. appeared first on Satenaw Ethioopian News & Breaking News: Your right to know!.

By Mengistu Adugna (PHD)

This is just my brief reflection based primarily on recent events.

Of late, I hardly comment on Ethiopian politics as I have been appalled by distorted narratives of political twists by so called political parties and the opposition-to-change camp mushroomed on the social media, and by new breed of internet media streamers. It is astonishing to see everybody having ‘remedies and prescriptions’ for Ethiopia’s problems.

I think most social media users know the new political “analysts” such as Gigi Kiay, Yoni Magna, etc who fabricate, modify and crunch facts with all distortions just to generate revenue. Though these guys are not politicians, surprisingly, they have good number of followers on their respective YouTube channels. This group of people predominantly don’t play positive role in the Medemer narrative.

Despite the propaganda by the TPLF supporters (nearly all TPLF circles), their cronies, opponents of the change, the ‘Gigi’s and doubters of the political and social reform in Ethiopia, this week MEDEMER has gone another milestone by heralding the arrest of Bereket Simon (the crook and self-declared politician) and his accomplice. Kudos to the agents of change led by “Team Lemma” (Lemma, Abiy, Demeke, Gedu etc).

The progress made in the demobilization of the OLF(Shene) army by educating Daud Ibsa about the popular sentiment, and the PM’s visit to Italy/France and his addressing of the World Economic Forum (in Switzerland – Davos, Jan 22) can all be considered as part of wheel of MEDEMER rolling.

It is also inspiring to see Ethiopian youth and Orthodox believers celebrating the Ethiopian Epiphany (Timket), Jan 19, 2019 in a fascinating and colorful fashion. All these signals a bright light at the end of the tunnel for the country! So, can we still hear doubters who now doubt the integrity of Ethiopia? Of course, everything must be handled with care.

The number of political parties, including those who represent the Oromos should shrink to a bare minimum number. That is the only way we can support them. We can’t afford to have and support 100 political parties.

The two Getachews (Getachew Assefa and Getachew Reda), the Aboy Sebhat, Ato Abay Tsehaye and all TPLF-ites will have their turn to face justice eventually having their TAGARU meetings in the prison cells soon. Why? Because they couldn’t see and utilize the opportunity created for them to save their souls i.e. ran away like a fugitive and gathered in Mekele to plan, design, and execute their evil usual social cataclysm to destroy Ethiopia.

My appreciation to Abageda’s, Prof Merera and Jawar Mohammed for playing key role in telling off Daud Ibsa and his family of friends to come to terms with their senses. The Oromos can’t afford to have a killing machine destabilizing the region by being an accessory to the war mongers (scaremongers) gathered in Mekele and elsewhere.

Ato Demeke and Ato Gedu should continue the reform without caving into distraction and side-pulls here and there. I strongly believe that they are hardened by the support they continued enjoying. They have wise and well-educated partners like Ato Negussu Tilahun and Dr Ambachew. These guys can lead the people by example, with maturity and wisdom.

It also won’t be too late for the progressive agents of change within the TPLF circle to join the bandwagon. I personally and sincerely applaud the moves by the Prime Minister and by all agents of change around him. I like prof Merara’s responses to LTV Wektawi interview recently, however the professor was very diplomatic in some of his responses to the questions.

Kudos to Prof Merera inviting TPLF moderate elements to be engaged in a positive discourse than be a party to a destructive “revolutionary democratic-developmental state” – a nonsense that TPLF grinds in a pigeon hole.

Other political parties must continue a dialog in a civilized way to create a political platform that caters for all Ethiopians irrespective of their ethnicity, religion, language, etc. The current trend of splinter regions along language lines is not a healthy one. I think Dr Fikre Tollosa’s book (at least the intention of the book) is a good medicine to curb further Bantustanization of the regions and the country. Perhaps, Ginbot 7  is setting an example in bringing Ethiopians from all walks of life together. Can others learn from Ginbot 7. (Note: I declare that I am not a member of Ginbot 7).

Obo Bekele Gerba must restore his political composure and earn the trust of many Ethiopians that he has been losing in the last few months. As we all know Ethiopians in the diaspora rallied for and behind him when he was arrested by TPLF till he was released by the government of Dr Abiy a while ago. It is my hope that he will re-earn the trust of the people as I believe in his intellectual capability.

Long Live Ethiopia and God Bless the People of Ethiopia!!

We will continue supporting the change in the way we can!

Please share this message with all stake holders!

Mengistu Adugna (PHD)

Associate Prof of Cybersecurity

Columbia, Maryland, USA

M Adugna can be reached at sofomore@gmail.com

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Dr. Ashagre’s reminiscences (No. IV) on ESAT’s የሳምንቱ እንግዳ forum are interesting. However, I see a major error that crept into his analysis. His assertion that “self-determination up to and including secession” is universal is totally false.

The U.N. Charter does mention the principle of self-determination of peoples but does not assert that principle as one its members have to follow. The reference is actually an indirect one. When it was inscribed in the Charter, it was meant to apply only to colonial situations. Furthermore, since the founding of the United Nations as a world body, the norm has been invoked by its organs only in a colonial context.

The UN has categorically refrained from applying the principle of self-determination as one that includes the right of secession of part of the metropolitan territory of its member from the rest of the member’s territory. That was why the UN was politically and militarily involved in ending the secession of Katanga from the Congo in 1960. In addition to that, UN Secretary General U Thant, had strenuously opposed the attempted secession of Biafra from Nigeria in 1967. The Security Council had also categorically rejected the right of Biafra to secede.

Indeed, the situation could hardly be anything else. If it did not act in that manner, the UN would have let itself into an intractable political quagmire since its action would infringe on the principle of each nations’ national sovereignty which is untenable.

The concept of the right of secession was Leninist. It was originally enshrined in the Soviet Constitution at the time the Bolsheviks took power from the liberal-oriented Kerensky government in 1917. That right is a far cry for liberal democratic constitutions including those of Britain, France, the USA, and others. One should of course not forget the American civil war fought in opposition to the secession of its southern states and waged from 1861 to 1865; this fratricidal war ultimately consumed the lives of 620,000 soldiers.

Canada toyed with the idea of self-determination and the right of secession but soundly rejected it at the Victoria Conference in 1970. The TPLF made Ethiopia the only other country to follow the Soviet example and enshrined the right of secession into its constitution which still dangles over the head of our nation like Damocles’ sword. I hope the Abiy reform will lead to the ultimate abrogation of Article 39 once and for all and deal a mortal blow to this abominable clause.

In the case of the USSR, the right of secession culminated with the implosion of the Soviet state by the end of the 1980s. We are the only one of the odd twin remaining. I argued in opposition to this clause vigorously in my VOA interview in 1985 when the constitution was promulgated. Should we allow what happened to the Soviet Union, to happen to us? To keep quiet is to enable the evil doers to get away with their treacherous conspiracy; and that by itself is an egregious treason

Paulos Milkias Ph.D. (McGill)

Professor of Political Science

Concordia University, Montreal, Canada

The post The Right of Secession! appeared first on Satenaw Ethioopian News & Breaking News: Your right to know!.

• The Horn of Africa (HOA) is being transformed from a hapless theater of endless devastating wars into a new positive model of regional conflict-resolution and regional alliance building.
• This change is being induced by grassroot political dynamics in the local states and concomitant changes in alliances of local, regional and global political forces.
• For the first time local forces and local interests have become the driving forces, as opposed to the dictates of global powers and regional hegemons.
• The confluence of local, regional and global forces is leading to a positive change, which is a rare occurrence in the Horn of Africa.
• The sustainability of this progress lies in the democratic transformation within the involved states and the continued support of the international community.

Within a few months of signing a peace and cooperation agreement between Ethiopia and Eritrea in Asmara on July 7, 2018, things are changing at a staggering speed. Telecommunication between the two countries have quickly resumed. Ethiopians and Eritreans at the border jumped at the opportunity to visit and trade with each other without even waiting for formal structures to be put in place. The soldiers of the two states climbed out of their trenches to celebrate the New Year by dancing together, with the jubilant local people and the heads of the two states joining them. Ethiopia’s commercial ships have docked in Massawa after twenty years of absence and been loaded with zinc from Eritrean mines to be transported to China. The heads of states of Ethiopia, Eritrea and Somalia visiting each other’s state capitals were greeted with genuine public euphoria. Ethiopia, Eritrea, Somalia and Djibouti signed agreements for regional peace and cooperation. Ethiopia and Somalia appealed to the UN to lift its infamous sanctions on Eritrea. On November 14, 2018, The UN lifted the unjust sanctions which had reduced Eritreans to lives of agony and desperation.

For the first time in many centuries, local forces and local interests became the driving forces, as opposed to the dictates of superpowers and regional hegemons. This is why the process has been amazingly fast, more substantive and hopefully more enduring. The crucial initiative was undertaken by the young, dynamic prime minister of Ethiopia, Dr. Abiy Ahmed, who had the courage and foresight to dismantle the ”no war no peace” policy of the TPLF regime. The change was sealed when Eritrea’s president, Isaias Afewerki, accepted Abiy’s peace overture. In particular, Isaias’s decision to directly engage Ethiopia without any need for intermediary was a novel diplomatic move which sped up the peace process. Abiy demonstrated his diplomatic acumen by bringing together the presidents of Somalia, Djibouti and Eritrea to sign onto the regional peace and cooperation agreement.

Many pundits and political analysts ascribe the dynamics of this change to global forces: changes in US policy, the rise of China’s influence in the region, the resurgence of Russia or competition between the Gulf states Saudi Arabia and the UAE vs Turkey, Qatar and Iran. But these are concomitant factors rather than the leading causes. The main factor has been a nascent surge for peace and cooperation which has been the desperate yearning of the hapless people of the region for ages, but which has now found articulation and design in the actions of their leaders.

Colonialism carved the Horn of Africa (HOA) region into fragmented states. In the post-colonial era, the efforts of these fragmented states to sort out their mutilated existence and define their relationships often devolved into incessant violent conflicts. Many forms of competing national ideologies were hailed that then faded. Scores of devastating intra-state wars were fought. Proxy wars were fanned by superpowers, by regional powers and by local states. The net results: Somalia a failed state, Ethiopia on the edge, Eritrea in paralysis and Sudan in fragmentation. And the whole region of HOA became one of the most conflict-ridden regions in the world. This in turn paved the way for world powers to dictate the political future of the region without leaving room for input from the people of the region. Imagine, if you can, the rise of Emperor Haile Selassie into an absolute monarch without the military largesse of the US, or Siad Barre’s brutal dictatorship or Mingustu Hailemariam’s atrocities, without the Soviet’s massive military support and logistics. Even the TPLF’s domination was facilitated by US military and economic support. De Wall, Prime minister Meles’s confidant. characterized the Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF) dominated Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) regime, basically as a “counter-Terrorism rent-seeking state”[i]. The US’s generous military aid, which helped the TPLF/EPRDF to build one of the largest military forces in Africa, was considered payment for fighting America’s war against radical Islam—ignoring the fact that the same resources were used to brutally suppress its own people.

The nascent transformation currently unfolding is an antithesis of these phenomena. The elites of the region have come to the realization that divided they become peons of global and regional hegemons and united they stand strong to shape their destiny. Nationalist ideologies, focused on pushing one state’s parochial interests at the cost of a neighboring state, have not benefited their states in meaningful ways. It has only made them a dumping ground of obsolete military wares.

Even when external forces intervene with good intentions but without giving the leading role to local people and local forces, their actions end up leading to quagmires. The global effort to reconstitute the failed Somali state the fragmentation of the Sudan and South Sudan, the failed mediation between Eritrea and Ethiopia speak volumes.

The Abiy Factor

The landmark in the current political scenario of the Horn of Africa happened on April 2nd, 2018, when the EPRDF elected Dr. Abiy to be the prime minister of Ethiopia. His rise, which represented the ascendance of the Oromo People Democratic Organization (OPDO currently ODP) from junior partner in the TPLF-dominated EPRDF into the dominant party in the fragile alliance, is dubbed by some as a “silent coup d’ete.” But it represents more significant and fundamental changes in the political orientation and alliances locally and regionally. It came as a result of three years of resistance and protest by the Ethiopian youth, which paralyzed the TPLF-dominated EPRDF.

For the last twenty years, the perpetuation of a ”no war no peace” policy between Ethiopia and Eritrea was the cornerstone of the TPLF’s foreign policy. It was aimed at isolating Eritrea economically and politically with the intention of bringing down Isaias Afewerki’ s government through external pressure. With the aid of the US, it effected immense economic and political hardship on Eritrea. This policy came also at a major cost to Ethiopia. The TPLF, instead of marshaling its economic and political resources to solve Ethiopia’s daunting underdevelopment and poverty, was fixated on bringing down Isaias’s People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ). It made itself totally dependent on Djibouti ports for its exports and imports. Djibouti leveraged its opportunity to extort Ethiopia of its direly needed hard currency. The proxy war it initiated was countered by Eritrea’s quid pro quo. Due to complex political problems, Ethiopia was vulnerable. This misguided policy of the TPLF, along with its misgoverning and corruption, triggered its downfall. The first domino piece to fall was its infamous no war no peace policy. This in turn triggered a cascade of changes.

The TPLF as well as some political analysts—even some noted one—characterized Abiy’s rapprochement with Eritrea as a hasty act. On the contrary, this was a thoroughly calculated move on the part of Dr Abiy. He manifested his deep understanding of the geopolitical dynamics of the region in a long and thoughtful interview ten months before he became prime minister[ii].

To briefly summarize: He described how the Horn of Africa (HOA) is a conglomerate of major religions and ethnicities which are fighting for resources, power and influence; how these have made HOA states the instruments of proxy wars by global and regional powers; how interstate and intrastate conflicts are intractable problems; how the monopolar power of the US is shifting into a multipolar world with the rise of China competing for economic and political influence; how regional powers, Saudi Arabia, UE and Egypt on the one hand and Turkey Qatar and Iran on the other hand are competing to carve spheres of influence in the region; how Ethiopia’s size and central location makes it the locus of influence; and how peace and cooperation between the states is essential not only for economic development but also to protect the region’s interests in the global political and economic sphere.

That was why soon after Dr. Abiy took power, he embarked on a shuttle diplomacy to Somalia, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and the Sudan. His critics characterized this shuttle diplomacy as foolhardy or fear of facing major domestic issues. On the contrary, these well-orchestrated strategic moves have netted him international stature, as well as unmatched popularity in the hearts of the people of the region. This stature and popularity translated into big political capital to push his reform agenda at home. Particularly his move to normalize Ethiopia’s relation with Eritrea had a flare of a genius. By directly appealing to the people of Ethiopia and Eritrea, expressing their sentiment for peaceful coexistence and cooperation in the languages they cherish, he unleashed a ground swell of popular euphoria, ”a love fest.”

These grand historical steps go beyond raising the spirit and optimism of the people. They represent concrete measures to untangle the intractable problems that have beset the region.

What did Ethiopia gain from peace with Eritrea? It gained access to Assab and Massawa, which will reduce its overall dependence on Djibouti and which will better serve the needs of northern and central Ethiopia. It will eliminate the massive expenditure of human and capital resources on an unnecessary military standoff.  Peace with Eritrea facilitated peace within Ethiopia. Eritrea became a bridge for peace between Abiy’s government and half a dozen armed organizations which had been for decades engaged in violent struggles against the previous Ethiopian regimes. Furthermore, fanning broader Horn of Africa consciousness has the effect of countering the dive into narrower and narrower parochial ethnic and clan alliances of both the political elites and the masses. It boosted immensely the country’s stature in the global arena. Foreign aid and investment are gushing forth.

The Isaias Factor

President Isaias is a controversial figure. For some Eritreans he is a hero who led the Eritrean struggle to independence and still guides it to stand against forces which are trying to roll it back. For some Eritreans he is a ruthless dictator who has subverted their aspirations for democracy. For some Ethiopians Isais is the enemy who is responsible for the secession of Eritrea.  According to them, he is an enemy who wants Ethiopia to disintegrate. On the opposite side, some Ethiopians see in him an ally against the TPLF and an ally in the struggle for democratic changes and unity of the country. Distinguished opposition leaders, such as professor Mesfin Woldemarion[iii] and Major Dawit have publicly affirmed this point of view[iv]. As a leader of a protracted and violent conflict that spanned nearly half a century, he is an amalgam of all the above elements. Someone’s hero is another’s villain. Yet he is an indispensable ally to lead the region from the quagmire of conflicts.

Ethiopia, Eritrea, as well as the whole HOA region, could hope for no better leader in the aftermath of the bloody divorce. He has a strong awareness of the historical, political, economic, cultural and strategical interdependence of Eritrea and Ethiopia. He has ad-infinitum reiterated his strong vision of two independent states with a strong economic, political and strategic alliance. He accepted the UN sponsored referendum as a peace bridge with Ethiopia. After Eritrea’s independence, he was actively working towards a strong economic and political relationship with Ethiopia and the rest of the HOA states. He has spoken at length against the ethnic-based federalism constructed by the TPLF. Because Eritrea has a similar ethnic and religious composition as Ethiopia, ethnic-based federalism is not only a menace to Ethiopia, but also a detriment to Eritrea too. His unequivocal endorsement of Abiy’s peace overture created a dynamic synergy between them. This dynamic synergy between the two leaders epitomizes the spirit of the two fraternal peoples. The hero’s welcome accorded to president Isaias by the Ethiopian people is a personal vindication and a tribute to his principled stands during the low and high moments in the two states’ history.

Eritrea won its independence after thirty years of war with a very little moral or material support from the international community. Eritrea’s independence was mainly a result of a devastating armed struggle and bitter sacrifices. When it gained its independence, it was greeted by its neighbors as a bellicose newcomer. Two decades of economic and political isolation, orchestrated by the TPLF and the US, dimmed Eritrea’s bright hopes. This created among Eritreans a feeling of a beleaguered state. Eritreans, defiantly but with a sense of resignation, persevered the UN sanctions and isolation, the economic hardships and the deferment of their hopes for a vibrant democratic state. Others braved arduous journeys, through forbidding deserts and across treacherous seas, to seek a better life in another place. The Eritrean reality is shrouded by the sadness of its enormous sacrifices and graced by its indomitable spirit to stand for its rights as a nation.

Isaias didn’t create the beleaguered state. He turned it into an impregnable fortress. A target of regime change policy, by the might of the US and cunning diplomacy of TPLF, he had no other choice but to fight on to break loose from this deadly chokehold. He gave this David vs Goliath fight his brand and flare. What he lacked in diplomatic tact, he made up for with his resilience. In the end he won, and Eritrea triumphed against external impositions.

What did Eritrea gain from peace with Ethiopia? It will reduce the heavy toll the Eritrean people have had to bear to defend their country. The economic engagement is highly beneficial to both countries. The freeze in economic relations between the two countries was imposed on Eritrea by the TPLF regime. With Dr. Abiy as the prime minister of Ethiopia, it has overcome its isolation. Instead of being treated like a pariah state, it has become a hub of top-level diplomatic traffic. It gained a reprieve from the well-orchestrated campaign of defamation and the endless self-fulfilling prophesies of its imminent demise in the international media. Tourism from Ethiopia and from all corners of the globe is rising. The PFDJ would be advised to take a lesson from Abyi’s administration about how to use this peace as a selling factor to woo international aid and investment.

Now that peace is flourishing in HOA, will the fortress Eritrean state be transformed into a flourishing democratic state? Will president Isais use the tremendous political capital he has gained to lead the democratic transformation? Will he take his triumph as vindication and take measures to heal Eritrea’s internal rifts?

If genuine change is initiated from within the ruling circle, change can come peacefully with less sacrifices. If President Isais and the PFDJ fail to take the initiative, then change will come from outside, from dissidents inside and outside country by force. That would be a destructive step into the abyss. Yet change is inevitable one way or the other.

The TPLF factor

TPLF’s policy towards Eritrea and towards the rest of the ethnic groups in Ethiopia are two sides of the same divide and rule policy. It was the political foundation of a narrow clique’s domination. The TPLF intentionally fostered and manipulated ethnic conflicts to prolong its tenuous hold on power. It wove historical conflicts into its foreign and internal policies. It fomented ethnic conflicts in its political propaganda. It amalgamated ethnic fissures into its institutional and organizational structures, and it even enshrined it in its constitution.

The Ethiopian people, particularly the youth fed-up with TPLF’s shenanigans, revolted. Through mass demonstrations and civil disobedience that lasted for three years, they paralyzed the EPRDF rule. Finally, the TPLF lost its dominant position in the EPRDF. Abiy and team Lemma ascended to power. One of the first bold actions they took was to dismantle the no war no peace policy with Eritrea, which they did by accepting unconditionally the Algiers peace accord which had been frozen by the TPLF for 18 years. This act heralded peace not only between Eritrea and Ethiopia, but also in the whole HOA region.

The TPLF’s institutional hold has been dramatically dismantled. They are no longer in a position to dictate policy in Ethiopia. Their only means of hindering the progress is sabotage.

The party and Tigray people are severely divided. The old guard, who are in their 60’s and 70s, who have amassed wealth by plundering Ethiopia and now have nowhere to turn, have retreated to Tigray kellile. The young party leaders are full of fury and bewilderment, and their tactics are frantic adaptations to day-to-day changing circumstances. The Tigray peasantry, which has paid dearly to bring changes in Ethiopia, which had been ignored and neglected when things were going well for the TPLF leadership, is now asked to be the TPLF’s fallback. The educated urban Tigrayans feel beleaguered and their cosmopolitan life style threatened.

The old guard, which feels especially threatened by the peaceful rapprochement between Ethiopia and Eritrea, try to impede the progress by spreading fear and xenophobia and by inciting acts of sabotage. In early January 2019, they incited youngsters, women and children to roadblock Ethiopian armed forces who were withdrawing from the border with Eritrea per the two countries peace agreement. [v]

Chief of Staff Let. Gen. Berhanu Jula characterized the incidence and the military’s response as f0llows:

There is an entity that has been employing fear and concern as a strategy. There is a force that is using the people as a cover to bring about instability. They are not many, and I am sure they will be exposed. Until then, we will not do anything that will bring us to a collision course with the people. We better feel bad rather than making the people feel bad.

The people of Tigray are closely tied, historically, culturally and linguistically, with Eritrea. They are close cousins with Tigrinya, the major ethnic in Eritrea. Many Tigrayan elites have supported and fought alongside Eritreans. They were inspired to organize and fight for their rights too. EPLF and TPLF had a united front for seventeen years. Despite frequent internal frictions, it was the longest lasting and most successful united front in Ethiopian as well as Eritrean history. Their united struggle was the paramount force that shattered the derge’s regime. Sadly, as a result of subsequent power struggles, they ended up unleashing the devastating 1998-2000 border war and two decades of mischief to undermine each other. Yet, despite the past devastating wars, the deportations and the economic hardships they have both lived under, the peoples’ affinity to each other–particularly, their desire to live in peace with each other, mend their broken lives and make up for lost time–has been unequivocally demonstrated. This peace between Ethiopia and Eritrea is a product of their enduring yearning for peace and fraternity.

Ethiopian and Eritrean elites should beware not to fall into the TPLF old guard trap by lumping the TPLF with the Tigray people. Other Ethiopians and Eritreans should sincerely understand and sympathize with the fact that the people of Tigray are the victims not the perpetrators of evil. Dr Debretsion[N1]  in his recent televised speech admonished the hot-headed Tigrayan for trying to block the federal force’s movements and the taunting of Ato Gedu Adnargachew, president of Amhara killele. He further gave information about lengthy rapprochements and dialogs between the Eritrean and Tigray killele officials at different levels in his effort to quell the preposterous propaganda fomented by the TPLF’s old guard, that the peace between Ethiopia and Eritrea is in an alliance to attack Tigray. This sharp contradictory political line within the TPLF is a manifestation of a deep-seated division. [vi]

All those Tigrayans, who support the changes, which, by the way, are the vast majority, should be encouraged to be part of the peace movement.  Bringing all positive forces under the big tent will make the movement strong and enduring. On the other hand, trying to score ephemeral victories or futile vendettas will be counterproductive.

In the same manner that Eritrea facilitated the rapprochement between Ginbot7, ONG, ONLF and the EPRDF, it should try to bring into the fold all peace-loving factions in Tigray. Opening the border wide open, not imposing new restrictions, is the path forward.

Conclusion: All factors in balance

Yet, even though a fresh invigorating wind of change is lifting our spirits, there are shuddering cold counter developments consciously working to subvert the movement while others, in pursuit of their own parochial interests, are inadvertently playing a negative role. The situation calls for vigilance.

In Ethiopia this great democratic transition is progressing on a fragile landscape. There was already one assassination attempt on Dr Abiy and one failed coup attempt so far. A couple of million people are internally displaced as a result of fratricidal conflicts. Armed bands are staking their claims and uprooting members of other ethnic groups that have lived in harmony for several generations. They are burning houses, looting businesses, robbing banks and blocking roads. Some are using the mass media to incite vulnerable youth by fabricating and spreading rumors. All of these actions are pushing Ethiopia to the edge. If Ethiopia implodes, it will be the end of the peace movement. As Ethiopia goes, so will the whole region.

However, these ominous treats cannot dim the epochal revolutionary changes the country is undergoing. The depth and breadth of the political and social discussions and the civility of the public participating in the discourse represents the soul searching of a nation. The freedom of the media and the tolerance of those in authority makes those dark times under the previous regimes feel ages away. The Abiy/Lemma team is guiding Ethiopia, so far successfully, with patience, restraint and appeal to the peoples’ commonsense. Some with good intentions have urged Dr Abiy to take draconian measures to assert authority, but authoritarianism is not the answer. It is exactly why the people of Ethiopia have rebelled against three despotic and corrupt authoritarian regimes.

The Eritrean community support for peace with Ethiopia is unequivocally strong. Their hope is not only for peaceful and fraternal existence with their neighbors but, very importantly, for the emancipation of their own society too. That is the unfinished chapter of their long arduous struggle. Now that peace has flourished in the neighborhood, the ‘fortress state’ must be transformed into a flourishing democratic state where people as individuals, as communities and as a nation could take control of their destiny.

In Eritrea, some of the opposition groups and individuals have become frantic. Standing against any initiative taken by the government, positive or negative, is the primordial and instinctive response of the diehard oppositions. Their media is filled with articles and analysis which try to cast doubts on the whole movement. That is tantamount to throwing the baby out with the bath water. The peace movement is not about President Isais or PFDJ rule; it is much larger. It raises existential questions about the survival and the future of the Eritrean state. It is about creating the essential environment to bring the kind of changes all segments of Eritrean society can accept. The peace movement requires the united support of all political factions, both the elites in power as well as in opposition. Acts such as the assassination attempt last December on General Sebhat Eframe, a top government official, are counterproductive[vii]. And equally, any measure by the authorities to tighten their hold will be futile. It would only increase the pressure rather than defusing it.

There is some legitimate unease about the peace process among common Eritreans, even among diehard government supporters. Its source is lack of transparency on the part of the Eritrean government. Eritreans depend for information about the details of the agreements and deals between the two states on second-hand and third-hand sources of information, i.e., on Ethiopian and international media rather than on their own government. The extent and degree of the public discussions and participation in this matter in the Ethiopian political arena, as compared to the Eritrea arena, is day and night. Lack of open discussions and participation by the general public has the effect of reducing the people of Eritrea into distant onlookers on matters so dear and close to their lives.

President Isaias and PFDJ should take this opportunity to loosen their iron grip and encourage the people’s participation through open forum discussions and open media. The people should be encouraged to express freely their support and even their opposition, if they have any. People in authority should be accessible to clarify all questions directly and in a timely fashion. There is no discernable explanation why such wildly popular public developments should be shrouded in secrecy. The Eritrean government should facilitate local and regional conferences of the people. It should welcome Eritreans in diaspora to participate, regardless of their political affiliations.

Since last June tremendous progress has been achieved. Hope has flourished. The driving force is the peoples’ yearning for peaceful coexistence and fraternal cooperation.

It is the product of their struggle to define their destiny.

It is a deep ground swell of democratic movement.

It is intertwined with their struggles to create just, sustainable societies and states.

It is a movement that arches from the local to the regional.

It is a counter-movement from the parochial divisive mindset to a global and inclusive consciousness.

Peace and fraternity to the people of Horn of Africa region!

This is Part I. Part II will deal with Somalia, Djibouti and the Sudan and South Sudan and Part III will deal with the role of global and regional powers.

[i][i] The Real Politics of the Horn of Africa: Money, War and the Business of Power 1st Edition

by Alex de Waal

[ii] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=P9nDRxHtL3

[iii] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Bzp21zjA85k

[iv]http://ethioforum.org/the-way-forward-for-ethiopia-and-eritrea-by-dawit-woldegiorgis/

[v] https://www.zena365.com/watch.php?vid=ed16d0645

[vi] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dCwYiO9xI9w

[vii] https://twitter.com/AmbassadorEstif/status/1078902506892144641

 [N1]Include this Debretsion’s other name (since Debretsion is this piece’s author).

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Zelalem Eshete, Ph.D.

I never thought there would come a time where would I admire an Ethiopian prime minister over a United States president.  It is a strange time.  President Trump is stripping away inherited ideals that long existed in United States while PM Dr. Abiy Ahmed is instilling ideals in Ethiopia that didn’t exist in the first place.

United States is founded upon timeless ideals. Yes, there is prejudice and racism but that doesn’t speak to America as a whole.  Instead, that can be attributed to the fallen state of humanity.  America has been on a journey to enlighten and deal with such ignorance.  That progress is the beauty of America, one victory at a time.  That is why America is an inspiration for the world, and a sanctuary for the persecuted.  America’s soul speaks of such priceless identity.

Now the president single handedly undermines those ideals to re-invent America and in doing so, he is making America lose her soul.  It is an oxymoron for an immigrant president (albeit his ancestors) to turn around and label Mexicans that aspire to come here as drug dealers and criminals.  Ensuring legal immigration through secure borders is a noble thing, but dehumanizing immigrants to sell his agenda by holding the united states hostage is insane.

When the highest office in the land debases the ideals of America, it is an American identity crisis.  Being the super-power of the world or the super-rich of the world is meaningless and short lived unless one can be the super model of the world.  There have been many rises and falls of civilization in history: Axum, Egypt, Athens, Rome, Great Britain.  America is not meant to join this list.  America’s soul dictates that America will keep herself from the fall through wisdom and understanding.  At the time wisdom and understanding is a hard commodity in the White House, we need to look for guidance at the faraway, unlikely place known as a “dark continent” (what the president calls “shit hole countries”).

There, we find Ethiopia: grabbing the imagination of not only Ethiopians but Africans and the world at large.  PM Abiy Ahmed espouses regional integration and openness to the world.  He champions Ethiopianism within the context of “medemer” (coming together).  His “love wins” philosophy had the power to end the twenty-year hostility with Eritrea, practically overnight.  All political prisoners have been set free.  All parties have put their arms to rest and are roaming Addis Ababa in freedom.  Every morning, the impossible is becoming possible.  There is distinct joy and aura of hope in the air.  What has enabled each of these historic changes is one and the same: the fact that PM Dr. Abiy Ahmed is instilling timeless ideals for Ethiopia.  That is what makes or breaks a nation.

Email:  Z@myEthiopia.com

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By Prof. Alemayehu G. Mariam

I have but one passion: to enlighten those who have been kept in the dark, in the name of humanity which has suffered so much and is entitled to happiness. My fiery protest is simply the cry of my very soul.  —  Émile Zola, 13th January 1898

“… Some hooligans and political members of CUD [opposition party Coalition for Unity and Democracy] started throwing stones and crashing buses. Government soldiers and police tried to protect the buses. The police had to defend themselves and shoot at the hooligans… —  Audio recording of Bereket Simon, prime suspect in the commission of crimes against humanity in Ethiopia in an interview following the post-election massacres in 2005.

My fiery protest for the past 13 years…

“Bereket” in Amharic means blessings.

But Bereket Simon has been the curse, the scourge of Ethiopia for the past 27 years.

For 27 years, Bereket Simon has caused untold deaths and political destruction in Ethiopia.

Bereket Simon was the invisible hand behind the trigger fingers of those police and security officers who unleashed the massacres on unarmed protesters following the 2005 elections.

In February 2019, I stand before the court of world opinion and accuse Bereket Simon, a/k/a Mebratu Gebrehiwot, of crimes against humanity in the deaths and malicious shooting with intent to kill hundreds of unarmed protesters in Ethiopia on June 8, 2005, and November 1–10, 2005.

My long time readers and followers know that I got involved in Ethiopia human rights advocacy because of one and only one reason: To bear witness to the victims of the Meles Massacres of 2005 and to ultimately bring the criminals who are directly and personally responsible for those massacres to the bar of justice.

As I have said so many times over the past decade, the victims of the Meles massacres cry out for justice from the grave.

Though we do not know the identity of all of them, we do have a fairly substantial list of names and some gruesome photographs of victims in the Testimony of Yared Hailemariam before the Extraordinary Joint Committee Meeting of the European Parliament Committees on Development and Foreign Affairs, and Sub-Committee on Human Rights, May 15, 2006.

We also have video clips of police engaging unarmed post-election protesters with machine gun fire in the background and images of severely wounded gunshot victims being transported to hospital.

I have been the voice from the grave of the victims of the Meles-Bereket Massacres in the court of world public opinion for the past 13 years.

I cannot remember the number of times people have told me, “Let it go. It is in the past. You can never bring back those people. Let bygones be bygones…”

They misunderstand my personal crusade against criminals against humanity.

Did I undertake my quest only to seek legal accountability and vindication for the masterminds of the Meles Massacres?

Did I labor day and night and post my fiery protests every single Monday for the past 13 years only to keep their memory alive?

Not at all.

I believe not bringing to justice those who commit crimes against humanity is itself a crime against humanity.

But my efforts transcend my endless crusade for justice for the victims of the 2005 massacres.

I want to make sure that my efforts will contribute in a small way to the prevention of crimes against humanity in Ethiopia in the future by those in power and out of power.

It is of the greatest importance to me that the younger generation of Ethiopians today and future generations to believe no individual or group will escape justice after committing crimes against humanity in Ethiopia.

But there is a hard and shocking truth we must all face.

The vast majority of the younger generation over the past decades has been driven into cynicism and believes that in Ethiopia those who commit crimes against humanity do so with impunity and almost always escape justice.

That was the shocking truth I learned talking to some young people at random when I visited Ethiopia this past September.

They would chuckle and say something along these lines: “Gashe, but that is the way it has always been in this country. No official is ever brought to justice for killing or torturing innocent citizens. It happens and then it is forgotten until it happens again. That will never change.”

It will change and is indeed changing before our very eyes today.

H.E. Prime Minister Dr. Abiy Ahmed is proving to Ethiopians and the world that no one is above the law in Ethiopia and those who have committed gross human rights abuses will be brought to justice.

Today, dozens of such suspects are in custody awaiting trial. Others have chosen to live in hiding as fugitives from justice.

By standing up and speaking up for the victim of the Meles-Bereket Massacres, I wanted to demonstrate to the present and coming generations of Ethiopians that it is their moral duty to protest crimes against humanity and to work diligently to bring such criminals to justice no matter how long it takes or how difficult the task.

I want to eradicate the culture of indifference to crimes against humanity which has spawned deep cynicism in the younger generation and ensure that a culture of rule of law and accountability takes root in the hearts, minds and souls of every young person in Ethiopia today and in coming generations.

Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn in The Gulag Archipelago wrote:

Young people are acquiring the conviction that foul deeds are never punished on earth, that they always bring prosperity. In keeping silent about evil, in burying it so deep within us that no sign of it appears on the surface, we are implanting it, and it will rise up a thousand fold in the future. When we neither punish nor reproach evildoers, we are not simply protecting their trivial old age, we are thereby ripping the foundations of justice from beneath new generations. It is going to be uncomfortable, horrible, to live in such a country!

Exactly seven years to the month, I wrote about the Ethiopian Gulag prison system.

I do not want to see the New Ethiopia we are struggling to build to be an uncomfortable and horrible country for our young people of today and tomorrow.

The only way to prevent future crimes against humanity is by learning from the past and by bringing criminal perpetrators swiftly to justice.

We must show absolute resolve in this commitment and learn from the experiences of others.

The great Nazi hunters spent decades dedicated to the search and arrest of Nazi criminals against humanity including Simon Wiesenthal, Efraim Zuroff, Serge and Beate Klarsfeld, Elliot Welles, Rafi Eitan and many others.

We must understand that the great Nazi hunters were all private individuals whose consciences were seared by the crimes against humanity committed on their people and were moved to action to bring those responsible to justice.

When the Nazi Hunters captured Holocaust organizer Adolf Eichmann, Mossad chief Isser Harel told his men: “For the first time in history the Jews will judge their assassin, and for the first time the world will hear the full story of the edict of annihilation against an entire people”.

In my tiny and insignificant, but absolutely unrelenting and indefatigable way, I too want the world to hear for the first time the full story of the massacres of hundreds of unarmed protesters in 2005 and see the people of Ethiopia pass judgement on the wicked gang of assassins responsible.

I know there are some who will laugh at me and say, “Here he goes again  dreaming of the impossible. It will never happen. The criminals against humanity like Bereket Simon who were personally and directly responsible for untold murders, torture and gross human rights abuses in Ethiopia will never be brought to justice. He is wasting his time.”

My answer is simple.

The search for justice for victims of injustice is never, never a waste of time. Anytime is the right time to do justice.

Of course, they all laughed at me for the last 13 years and said I was dreaming an “impossible dream and fighting  unbeatable foe carrying an unbearable sorrow” and crying in the wilderness trying to bring to the bar of justice a ruthless gang of murderous thugs.

I dare say my cries were not bootless. They helped bring a magnificent Abo Shemane (Cheetah) who goes by the name Abiy Ahmed.

My life has been all about dreaming about making the impossible possible.

Mandela said it best, “It all seems impossible until it is done.”

As PM Abiy said a few days ago, no one who has committed gross human violations and perpetrated corruption on the people of Ethiopia shall escape the long arms of the justice:

You cannot expect to walk freely after committing murder. The only choice is to be held in government custody or self-imprisonment. There is no one in Ethiopia today who has been accused by the government of committing corruption and human rights abuses who is not in custody. The only difference between those in government custody who are taken care of properly at public expense and those who have voluntarily jailed themselves. Those in official custody enjoy the benefits of proper accommodations, family visits, sports activities, access to reading and writing materials and are free from harassment in detention. I don’t think those who have imprisoned themselves enjoy these benefits.

No doubt, the fugitives from justice may hide out in their ethnic enclaves. They can remain holed up in fancy hotels or curl under the rocks from which they came. They may even sit quietly amongst us hoping not to be noticed.

The fact of the matter is they can run in circles all they want, but they can’t hide from the long arms of justice.

All of them will be brought to justice, if not today, tomorrow; if not tomorrow, next week or next month, next year or the years after that. Of that I am certain just as I am certain the sun will rise tomorrow.

In 2012,  I told the criminals against humanity, “Justice will arrive like a slow, chugging and delayed train for those who have committed crimes against humanity and war crimes in Ethiopia.”

The Justice Train has arrived in Ethiopia emblazoned with the words, “Day of Judgment for the Wicked is at Hand”.

Bereket Simon, the chief architect of the Meles Massacres of 2005

On May 16, 2005, one day after the general election, the late Meles Zenawi declared a state of emergency and outlawed all public gatherings. He placed under his direct personal command and control all police, security and military forces, and replaced the capital’s city police with “federal” police and special forces.

In his state of emergency declaration, Meles Zenawi issued a shoot-to-kill order (see video, forward clip to 9:13):

It has been decided that all security forces are placed under a single command and they are accountable to the Prime Minister. I would like to announce on this occasion that, for a period of one month, all public demonstrations and meeting outside the home are prohibited. A directive has been issued to security forces to take severe action, severe action (sic) against those who have not accepted the [election] decision of the people with patience and grace.

In the coming weeks and months, Bereket Simon coordinated the implementation of Meles’ Directive with the security, police and military services.

Between May and November 2005, hundreds of unarmed protesters were shot and killed by security forces and hundreds more suffered severe gunshot wounds.

In an interview following the massacres, Bereket publicly declared the individuals killed by soldiers and police during the protests were violent “hooligans” trying to break bus windows:

… Some hooligans and political members of CUD [opposition party Coalition for Unity and Democracy] started throwing stones and crashing buses. Government soldiers and police tried to protect the buses. The police had to defend themselves and shoot at the hooligans…

In June 2005, barely a month after the May 2005 election, Bereket Simon began talking about a genocide that makes Rwanda “child’s play”.

Talking to BBC’s Martin Plaut, Bereket Simon said the protesters were trying to create a genocide that would make the Rwandan genocide look like child’s play:

The alternative was strife between the different nationalities of Ethiopia which might have made the Rwandan genocide look like child’s play.  If you allow people who defy law and order, [to] take matters into their own hands and government sits idly, not discharging its responsibility of maintaining law and order, anybody who feels they are capable of taking matters into their own hands will reign over society and that will definitely bring the whole Ethiopian society into turmoil. The alternative to this would have been much more disastrous where you might find millions or tens of thousands or hundreds of thousands perishing within the coming days and months. (Emphasis added.)

It is unimaginable how any person could think the deaths of nearly one million people in Rwanda as “child’s play”!!!

In November 2005, Prof. Christopher Clapham wrote:

It is difficult to exaggerate the enormous amount of damage that has been done to the EPRDF government by Bereket Simon, the…  principal spokesman for the government. His neurotic and consistently inflammatory pronouncements, extending even to threats of an equivalent to the Rwanda genocide, have conveyed a very clear impression, both to the opposition and to the outside world, that the EPRDF is entirely unwilling to engage in any normal or reasonable political process…”

On the other hand, Meles was not concerned at all about a Rwanda-style genocide taking place as a result of the protests.

Meles simply tried to whitewash the bloody massacre as an outcome of lack of professionalism on the part of the police force in terms of managing such events. The government recognized that the police were under-trained for the task and under-equipped for the task. As a result we have worked on this and I believe it is now adequately addressed.”

In March 2007, Meles told Aljazeera, the killings occurred to repel a “challenge to the constitutional order in Ethiopia and that challenge had to be faced.

In February 2007, Meles told the Financial Times that “when people try to change the government  by unconstitutional means, the normal thing is to take these people to court.”

So, why weren’t the election protesters arrested using normal non-lethal crowd control methods and brought to court?

But an official investigation established by Meles and his parliament “conclusively determined the protesters shot and killed and wounded by soldiers and police were unarmed and peaceful and did not commit any destruction of property.

The protesters posed no threat to the constitutional order nor were they trying to cause genocide.

The Inquiry Commission described the killing as follows:

This was a massacre. These demonstrators were unarmed yet the majority died from shots to the head … There is no doubt that excessive force was used. Many people were killed arbitrarily. Old men were killed while in their homes, and children were also victims of the attack while playing in the garden.

According to the July 18, 2007 report of the U.S. House Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, Meles Zenawi  and his parliament

established an Inquiry Commission to investigate whether government security forces used  excessive force, caused damage to life and property, or showed a lack of respect for human rights during disturbances that occurred on June 8, 2005, and November 1–10, 2005 in different parts of the country.

The Commission visited several regions, reviewed police reports, met with prisoners and government officials, made 122 radio and TV announcements to the public, examined 16,990 documents, and took testimonies from 1,300 people.

The Commission concluded that 763 civilians were injured and 193 killed. The Commission also reported that 71 police officers were injured and 6 killed. Damage to property was estimated at $512,588. The Commission also reported that more than 30,000 civilians were detained, some were tortured, and prisoners in Kaliti were killed.

The Commission reported that security forces fired 1,500 bullets at prisoners, killing 17 and injuring 53. The Commission stated that civilians did not use weapons and reported bank robberies by demonstrators did not take place.

Shortly after the Commission reached its decision, the Ethiopian Government reportedly began to put pressure on Commission members to change their report. The Chairman of the Commission, a former Supreme Court President of the Southern Region of Ethiopia, was told by a senior advisor of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi to call for an emergency meeting of the Commission in order to change the Commission’s report. (Emphasis added.)

Who is Bereket Simon?

Bereket Simon’s birth name is Mebratu Gebrehiwot. He is presently in custody on corruption charges.

Prime Suspect in Crimes Against Humanity

Bereket Simon was the second-in-command, advisor, confidant, buddy, alter ego, evil twin, second-self, Meles’ left-hemisphere brain and the trigger finger on Meles Zenawi’s iron fist, among other things.

According to one report, Mebratu appropriated the name “Bereket Simon” from one Eritrean guerilla fighter who is said to be still alive today.

Those who know and have worked with Bereket Simon describe him in diabolical terms, a conscienceless man of extreme depravity and cruelty.

He has been likened to Nazi propaganda chief Joseph Goebbles.

I would add Bereket Simon was also Meles Zenawi’s Albert Speer, Hitler’s closest friend and confidant who was responsible for the slave labor in the Nazi war machine.

Ana Gomes, Member of the European Parliament and the European Union’s chief observer for Ethiopia’s 2005 national elections does not mince words in describing Bereket Simon:

On August 24, 2018 Gomes tweeted,

That is good news. Bereket Simon is a callous, repressive, deceptive, liar and ruthless individual. I dealt with him extensively in the 2005 elections and will never forget our extremely tense conversation in the afternoon of the 8th June massacre of civilians, in Addis Ababa.

October 24, 2018 Gomes tweeted,

Bereket Simon is 1 of the cynical & cruel totalitarians with whom I have dealt in #Ethiopia. Should be tried for his crimes agst Ethiopians!

On August 31, 2018 Gomes tweeted,

Bereket Simon was Goebbels of #Ethiopia, as Propaganda minister of dictator Meles Zenawi. I will never forget his cruelty on 8 June 2005, with hundreds massacred in Addis Ababa, after stolen elections of May 15. I am for Truth Commissions, but worst criminals must go to trial.

On January 23, 2019, Gomes tweeted,

So. Finally that criminal Bereket Simon, ex-Goebbels of dictator Meles Zenawi, has been arrested in #Ethiopia.  Many can breath better now.

Bereket Simon is also known for his utter mendacity, shameless lies, outrageous disinformation and calculated misinformation campaigns.

As Meles’ confidant and information minister, Bereket Simon undertook numerous campaigns to mislead the public.

After Ethiopian Satellite Television confirmed Meles Zenawi had died in 2012, Bereket Simon went on television and lied through his teeth to public that Meles was merely vacationing following medical observations for minor health issues. He assured the public Meles will be back on the job in just a few days.

A few days later, Bereket Simon went on television and declared, “After attending medical services abroad, the prime minister has passed away yesterday around midnight… Now is time for his remains to come back to Ethiopia and his funeral proceedings will be according to a plan prepared by a committee which deals with this…”

Of course, for there to have been a “prepared plan” for Meles’ funeral, he must have died days, if not weeks before,  to set in motion a funeral planning committee. It appears unlikely that a full funeral plan would be prepared between midnight and early morning when Bereket Simon made the announcement.

However, during the many weeks the public was talking about Meles’ absence, Bereket Simon was telling a patently false story that Meles was on vacation and taking care of minor health problems and will be back on the job soon.

Meles Zenawi allegedly passed away on August 20, 2012. Meles’ cause of death remains a secret to this day!

In my August 5, 2012 commentary, “Day 46: Has Meles Zenawi Gone AWOL?”, I did a forensic analysis of the anecdotal evidence and concluded Meles has been dead for quite some time absent demonstrable evidence he is alive.

Bereket Simon is a ruthlessly vindictive man who believed he is so untouchable that he is ready to crucify anyone who even dares to talk to him in a manner Bereket believes is disrespectful.

Bereket Simon is the kind of humanoid who sees chaos, death and destruction everywhere, unaware of the fact that he and his TPLF thugs are the fountainheads of the chaos, death and destruction in Ethiopia over the past 27 years.

In a secretly recorded conversation, Bereket Simon told his partner-in-crime Addisu Legesse that those who disrespect him have the “potential to create chaos in the city” and must be isolated, targeted and destroyed whether they are friends or foes:

… But the incredible thing is that anyone to have the audacity to say something like this to me, one can see the potential of such individuals to create chaos in the city. So, all those who spread propaganda and people like that must be singled out and we must isolate them. Even those people who have been telling us for a long time that they are our friends in the past..

Bereket Simon, a/k/a Mebratu Gebrehiwot must face trial for crimes against humanity

A thousand unanswered questions…

The single most important question in the trial of Bereket Simon is whether a “massacre” was committed on unarmed protesters in Ethiopia on June 8, 2005, and November 1–10, 2005.

The official Inquiry Commission established by Meles Zenawi and his parliament definitively concluded a M-A-S-S-A-C-R-E was committed by police, security and military forces under the direct command and control of Meles Zenawi under his state of emergency decree.

The evidence shows in his state of emergency declaration, Meles Zenawi announced, “A directive has been issued to security forces to take severe action, severe action (sic) against those who have not accepted the [election] decision of the people with patience and grace.”

How textually different is the “Directive” (if written) from the “state of emergency decree” ?

Was the Meles Directive issued orally, and if so who issued ?

If the Directive is written, as it appears to have been, specifically what is the language in the order authorizing the use of deadly force against protesters by police and soldiers?

What is the exact language of the Directive that was issued to the police and soldiers? Was the Directive revised, modified or suspended at any time? If so by whom?

To what extent did the police and soldiers depart from the plain language of the directive in firing at the unarmed protesters?

How did the Directive incorporate the language announced by Meles in the state of emergency decree that security and police officials are “ordered to take sever, sever action”?

Bereket said “soldiers” were used in the shooting of the unarmed protesters? Is there a legal basis for the use of soldiers for crowd control?

As Meles’ top advisor and confidant, what role did Bereket Simon play in the drafting of the directive against the “people who have not accepted the [election] decision of the people with patience and grace”?

What role did Bereket Simon play in the dissemination of the directive to the security and military authorities?

What role did Bereket Simon play in following up with the implementation of the directive and reporting to Meles about outcomes?

The smoking gun evidence points squarely at Bereket Simon, a/k/a Mebratu Gebrehiwot as the point man who implemented the Meles Directive.

The evidence shows that Meles and Bereket were the only individuals who made authoritative statements on the indiscriminate killings, massacres, following the 2005 election.

The evidence shows Bereket, in addressing questions about the killings, did not offer explanation as a spokesperson relaying secondary information he has received from other sources but as someone with a direct and personal knowledge of the killings and general use of deadly force.

The evidence shows Bereket has stated on the record that the killings in the post-election period occurred to prevent a highly likely genocide that would make Rwanda child’s play.

Bereket also said the police fired upon protesters “to protect the buses. The police had to defend themselves and shoot at the hooligans…”

Did the Meles Directive authorize the shooting of stone-throwing Protesters (“hooligans”) to protect bus windows from being broken?

How did Bereket know and when did he know the protesters were planning to undertake genocide?

What evidence did Bereket possess at the time he made his statement that the protesters were planning to undertake genocide that would make “Rwanda child’s play”?

Who provided Bereket information on the genocidal plans of the protesters?

How did Bereket justify the use of massacres to prevent damage to uses by stone throwing protesters?

Bereket Simon’s explanation for the use of deadly force completely contradicts Meles Zenawi’s who stated on the record that the killings were a series of unfortunate events caused by lack of training, professionalism and poor equipment.

Did Meles or Bereket lie? Did both lie about the real reasons for the massacres?

The state of emergency decree went into effect on May 16, 2005. The first set of killings that were investigated by the Inquiry Commission occurred on June 8, 2005 even though protests broke out immediately after the election.

What was the state of civil protests between May 16 and June 8, 2005 when the first massacre occurred?

From Meles’ state of emergency announcement, the Directive to use “severe, severe action” against protesters were issued on May 16. But the first massacre occurred on June 8, 2005. What actions were taken by the police and soldiers to deal with protesters between May 17 and June 7 without committing massacres?

What specific events and facts occurred on June 8 that did not occur between May 17 and June 7 to justify use of  indiscriminate deadly force?

Did the attempt by protesters to cause a genocide, if we accept Bereket’s explanation) or the overthrow of the constitutional order (if we accept Meles’ version) occur only on June 8, 2005, and November 1–10, 2005?

Since Meles’ claim for the killings is lack of training and professionalism, how did the soldiers and police officers implement the Directive and with what supervision or oversight?

The Inquiry Commission established the “demonstrators were unarmed yet the majority died from shots to the head.”

The Commission also found evidence police/military snipers used high powered rifles to literally blow the brains of the unarmed protesters. Were sniper rifles authorized for use to deal with the protesters? Who authorized the use of sniper rifles?

Why was it necessary to use snipers against unarmed protesters?

Meles tried to avoid responsibility by throwing the “untrained and unprofessional police and soldiers” under the bus. But why were untrained and unprofessional soldiers and police given machine guns, AK47 and sniper rifles to control unarmed protestors? Who authorized issuance of these weapons?

The Inquiry Commission found, “Old men were killed while in their homes, and children were also victims of the attack while playing in the garden.” How did these old men and children undertake a genocide plan that would make Rwanda’s genocide “child’s play” or threaten the constitutional order?

The Inquiry Commission found that on November 3, 2005, during an alleged disturbance in Kality prison that lasted 15 minutes, prison guards fired more than 1500 bullets into inmate housing units leaving 17 dead, and 53 severely wounded.

What threats did the Kality prisoners pose to authorities while huddled in their prison cells to warrant the firing of more than 1,500 bullets and killing of 17 unarmed and defenseless prisoners?

The Commission reported that more than 30,000 civilians were detained and some tortured following the 2005 elections?

Was mass and arbitrary detention of civilians part of the Meles Directive? Who gave the order to undertake mass and arbitrary detentions?

Meles said one of the reasons for the massacres was the “under equipped” nature of the police force.

What kinds of equipment were the police provided to deal with the protesters. Did the police have riot control gear? Did the police have non-lethal crowd control such as tear gas available to them?

From the available video clips of police engaging the unarmed protesters, it is clear the police were clad in full riot gear.

Did the police have tear gas and other similar non-lethal chemical agents to disperse the crowd?

Colonel Michael Dewar, British Army (Rtd), in his 2008 report, “Modernising Internal Security in Ethiopia” stated 237 police officers were dismissed from their positions  allegedly for the use of deadly force. Why weren’t these police officers prosecuted? This fact stands in stark contrast to what the Meles regime routinely does by swiftly prosecuting journalists and bloggers for writing on social media but is unable to prosecute known murderers?

Was the 2005 massacre part of a long-term strategic planning of Meles, Bereket and their core allies to consolidate power by hook or crook and cling to power indefinitely.

The fingerprints of Bereket Simon are all over the AK 47 and machine guns that were used to massacre unarmed protesters following the 2005 election.

The man presently alive who is directly and personally responsible for the massacres of 2005 is none other Bereket Simon!

My theory of why the Meles-Bereket Massacres were committed

My theory of why the Meles-Bereket massacres occurred is as follows:

Meles and Bereket had Plan A and Plan B for the 2005 election.

In their Plan A they would win the election and things would continue as normal. In fact, the very reason they allowed free elections to take place was because they were absolutely convinced they had wide popular support and would win hands down.

In their Plan B, Meles and Bereket were prepared to remain in power by any means necessary.

After suffering a humiliating defeat in the 2005 elections, they implemented Plan B.

Plan B is straight out of the bush, from their days fighting the Derg, brushed up for the 2005 election.

In the bush, Meles and the top bosses of the TPLF did not tolerate dissent, challenge or opposition to their position.

They took care of those they suspected of disloyalty or opposition by either jailing them in dark dungeons or simply executing them out of view of the guerilla army or assigning someone to shoot them in the battlefield and reporting them as battle casualties.

Meles and his TPLF gangsters always believed the only way they can remain in power is by killing, jailing and stealing. This has been proven time and again over the past 27 years.

In implementing their Plan B, Meles and Bereket wanted to shock and awe the opposition and the total population with massive and indiscriminate use of deadly force.

Meles and Bereket wanted to communicate the message to the population that they will kill, slaughter and massacre as many people as necessary to maintain their gang of thugs in power indefinitely.

To put it simply, Meles and Bereket wanted to terrorize the population into absolute submission by demonstrating to them that they are a ruthless, merciless, vicious, vindictive, unforgiving, brutal, vengeful, pitiless, cold-blooded and meaner-than-a-junkyard-dog S.O.Bs.!

This theory is supported in many other cases.

Meles and Bereket used extreme deadly force against civilian populations in the Ogaden region as collective punishment in 2007-08.

In December 2003, Meles and Bereket ordered massacres in  Gambella.

The fact of the matter is that the Meles Massacres were part of a grand strategy and design to ensure Meles’ and the will remain and cling to power by hook or crook indefinitely.

Ending the culture of impunity in Ethiopia

There is an entrenched and pervasive culture of impunity in Ethiopia.

No one really gets punished for gross human rights abuses.

For decades, gross and widespread abuses of human rights have been ignored and turning a blind eye to the perpetrators has been the standard operating procedure.

Because there is virtually no accountability for crimes against humanity, those in power have been emboldened into committing murder and getting away with it.

For the last 27 years, Meles, Bereket and their TPLF gang believed they were above the law; indeed they believed themselves to be the law.

Today, as they sit in government  jails or self-imposed prisons, they have found out the truth of Gandhi’s immortal maxim. “Remember that all through history, there have been tyrants and murderers, and for a time, they seem invincible. But in the end, they always fall. Always.”

How the mighty TPLF has fallen.

How the mighty and fearsome Bereket Simon has fallen!

Bereket Simon revealed his true pathologically narcissistic self when he was arrested for corruption and brought before a judge.

Bereket Simon’s single complaint was that he was not getting good food in detention. Apparently, he expected kitfo, tibs  and tre siga.

Bereket Simon is the same man who watched over millions of Ethiopians face famine, starvation and death over the past 27 years.

Bereket Simon is the same man who watched hundreds of thousands of political prisoners die from poor nutrition and medical care.

Poetic justice for a man who saw millions face famine and starvation?

Real justice is what Bereket Simon needs.

H.E. PM Abiy Ahmed is transforming the culture of impunity in Ethiopia with a civic culture of the rule of law and accountability.

In February 2018, I, Alemayehu G. Mariam, stand as a witness petitioning to be heard on behalf of the victims of the Meles- Bereket Massacres of June 8, 2005 and November 1-10, 2010.

I can hear their cries from 10,000 miles begging for JUSTICE.

I call upon the people of Ethiopia to open their ears, hearts and minds and listen to their cries from the grave too.

The victims of the Meles-Bereket Massacres deserve JUSTICE!

“The dead cannot cry out for justice; it is a duty of the living to do so for them.”

Let us do justice to the victims of the Meles-Bereket Massacres.

Let us all join hands and bring Bereket Simon, a/k/a Mebratu Gebrehiwot to trial!

===============================

We must learn from history.

Never again in Ethiopia!

Feel this,
To all those races, colors, and creeds, every man bleeds for the
Countless victims and all their families of
The murdered, tortured and slaved, raped, robbed and persecuted
Never again, to the men, women, and children.
Who died in their struggle to survive, never to be forgotten.

The post The Trial of Bereket (The Curse of Ethiopia) Simon for Crimes Against Humanity appeared first on Satenaw Ethioopian News & Breaking News: Your right to know!.

By Assegid Habtewold[1]

The theme of my speech at a community empowerment event organized by Jantilla on Saturday, February 2^nd, 2019 in Silver Spring, MD at Double Tree by Hilton hotel was “Leadership in the 21st C”. One of the many outstanding questions that were asked during the Q&A session was “What are some of the barriers that are preventing many Ethiopians from becoming leaders?”

Before answering this question heads on, I had disclaimed by admitting that we cannot ever know why each individual Ethiopian hesitates from taking lead to pursue their passion. The barriers to leadership are subjective and vary from person to person, culture to culture, generation to generation even though there are some common obstacles that deter the vast majority from stepping up to the plate and playing their fair share in tackling the challenges their respective community faces.  I pointed out that one of the culprits why most people, not just Ethiopians, refrain from considering themselves as leaders to advance the cause they care about is the way leadership is defined. I confessed that this very reason led me to write and title my first book “Redefining Leadership.” The book was published in 2011 and is available on Amazon.

In this article, rather than recounting my full answer from this past Saturday, I thought sharing with you the Introduction part of the book. This is my hope that the excerpt below will paint a clear picture of why some misunderstandings have been keeping millions, if not billions, at bay from claiming their birthright of leadership.

“Leadership has a different meaning for different people. People from different cultural, historical, political, and religious backgrounds view it differently. Some people view leadership as a privilege set aside for those who have certain attributes and qualities. The existing definitions of leadership play a great role for this perception. Read a couple of dictionaries and books on leadership and you will be surprised to find out that leadership is defined in relation to certain aptitudes, and as if it is about leading others and organizations. For instance, most definitions have this pattern: ‘Leadership is the ability/skill/capacity to lead/guide/inspire/influence …others…’ As you can easily imagine, many individuals from various cultures may read these kinds of assertive phrases and think that they don’t qualify to lead because they don’t have these and other similar competencies mentioned in these definitions.

These definitions also don’t click for everyone, especially for those who are not interested in their leadership to center around doing something to, for or against others. These definitions aren’t wrong or irrelevant. Nevertheless, they define the term leadership using the most important tasks of leading without answering or offering some hints on why someone should lead in the first place. For many people, there must be a bigger reason than leading, guiding, inspiring, and influencing others before they take this kind of huge step.

Besides, these assertive words fend off many people from cultures such as mine and many in the East and South. In these cultures, making oneself vulnerable and submitting to others is more important than influencing or inspiring others. However, leadership isn’t all about leading others or submitting under another’s influence. Its definitions should embrace the very reason why someone should lead without sounding from the West or South or East cultures. Leadership was there before our cultures existed. It is an ancient ideal longer than the history of our cultures and will continue to exist as far as human civilization continues in this universe and beyond.

Leadership is also wrongly perceived as a career set aside for those who have certain attributes like oratory, charisma, courage, and confidence. Its scope as well is narrowed and considered as one of the social science fields. Not only that, leadership is related with formal authority, hierarchical positions, official titles, and governing power. These lead many people to assume that they should first meet certain requirements, show some proofs, and get acceptance or recognition from others before they lead. In worst cases, leadership has been portrayed in a negative light and perceived as a tool used by the few to dictate, exploit, manipulate, and abuse others. Because of these bad reputations, some leaders have shown, many may vote themselves out from ever leading…

Thus, leadership should be redefined, put into context, and reintroduced to reflect its true meaning and secure its rightful place among all humankind. It is our birthright as we are born to this physical world and the key to our fulfillment beyond time and space. Our being born to this world uniquely entitles us to lead this uniqueness. Yes, as we know who we are and why we are here and pursue it, we may maximize our potential, become resourceful, inspire and influence others, even may leave legacy beyond our generation. But leadership shouldn’t stop there. We should fulfill our mission in life; this is the accountability part. That is why I am saying that the existing leadership definitions overlooked these key truths and ingredients that would have changed the face of the world and inspired everyone to lead according to its passion, originality, and towards individual and collective success and fulfillment. No one should have been excluded, exempted, or left behind from leading.

In ‘Redefining Leadership’; leadership is simply defined as knowing oneself, the reason for existence, and pursuing it until fulfilled. In other words, leadership is primarily about oneself, not others nor founding and leading organizations. A true leader is a person who has discovered himself and his assignment in life and pursuing it until fulfilled. While in the process he may influence others and lead organizations towards achieving his own destiny, and contribute his share towards the collective destiny of his family, community, organization, national, and global levels…”

I would like to conclude this article by emphasizing the fact that countries like Ethiopia cannot attain sustainable economic development with a few leaders alone what so ever outstanding and great these leaders maybe in their leadership abilities. The magnitude and depth of the challenges we face requires raising as many grassroots level leaders as possible in every sector. Of course, I’m not promoting mass production of leaders for the sake of just having multitudes of leaders everywhere. Quality is very vital too. We need leaders who have the necessary competencies to lead with passion, clarity, capability, and character.

The responsibility to build the nation’s leadership capacity, nonetheless, shouldn’t be left to the federal and regional governments alone. Other stakeholders should also consider playing proactive roles in this regard. Each individual should also make some efforts to build their own leadership capacity. Remember, leadership starts with self. Self-leadership is the foundation of impactful leadership.

Wherever you may be right now, begin taking leadership initiatives in the area of your passion. Find a cause that matter to you and do something about it. Start small scale. If necessary, join the already existing organizations or start one. You may fail here and there. That shouldn’t discourage you. Learn as you lead. Don’t forget, ‘Leaders are learners’.

This is high time to claim your birthright of leadership to pursue the reason of your existence so that you may have a chance to fulfill your destiny and leave an enduring legacy at the end of your journey on this planet. This is an exciting time in Ethiopia. Tap into this golden opportunity, be proactive, and play your part to transform Ethiopia in one generation. Don’t sit on the sidelines and watch what is happening from afar like other onlookers. Roll up your sleeves and be part of the solution to change the destiny of your community and country once for all!

[1] Dr. Assegid Habtewold is a coach, speaker, and workshop facilitator at Success Pathways, LLC. He is also the Founder of PRO Leadership Global, Inc. He has written five books that are available on Amazon. He is a leadership speaker and workshop facilitator for some government agencies and major corporations. Assegid can be reached at ahabtewold@yahoo.com

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By Prof. Alemayehu G. mariam

A “patent” is a type of license issued by a government to an individual or corporation granting sole right to use and exclude all others from making, using, or selling an invention, a product or a process.

There are three types of patents: utility/invention (e.g. personal computer by Steve Jobs); design (Apple’s touchscreen) and plant.

To be granted a patent, the invention, design or plant must be “novel” (new), non-obvious (be inventive or involve significant inventive step and useful (e.g. have industrial, agricultural, etc. application).

A plant can be patented if it is a new variety of plant or represents a significant engenering of an existing seed to make it, for instance, insect or disease resistant or require less water to grow.

Such “engenered” plants are generally called “genetically modified organisms” (GMO). Among such “organisms” on American grocery store shelves include seedless watermelons, grape tomatoes, tangelos and baby carrots.

In 2003, a Dutch company obtained two patents (for processing and preparation, not GMO) on Teff, an ancient grain (the size of poppy seeds) unique to Ethiopia and comes in a variety of colors from white to red to brown.

The Netherlands Patent Office issued the Dutch Company “registration patents”, which does not require substantial patent examination as is the case in the U.S.

In the Netherlands, a registration patent is granted if certain formalities are fulfilled and is examined in court only if a dispute arises in relation to the patent granted.

It appears that is what happened with Ancientgrain’s Teff patent.

Teff is considered a “super food” and has become increasingly popular in the West. Some entrepreneurs such as Ancientgrain see considerable profit potential in Teff.

In 2014, a Dutch company known as Bakels Senior sold Teff bread flour on its website.

Ancientgrain, the holder of the patents, sued Bakels for patent infringement, demanded a stop to the sale and obtained “prejudgment attachment”, a special legal proceeding in which the plaintiff secures compensation before trial.

Ancientgrain defended its patent on various grounds: 1) It had created a new method (milling) of processing ripened teff meal and created a new product by mixing teff flour with other crops such as potato, rice maize and Quinoa. 2)  Its method of leavening, kneading and heating (cooking) is new and overcomes the “instability” of traditionally (Ethiopian-style) prepared injera (bread) which has dough that does not rise and tastes sour. 3) Its teff is new because it is gluten-free and has larger grain size compared to Ethiopian teff.

Simply stated, Ancientgrain wanted a monopoly on the burgeoning global teff market by defending its Dutch registration patent.

The Dutch court invalidated Ancientgrain Teff patent on the grounds that it lacks novelty and inventiveness.

Creating a process for mixing different grains with teff, preparing dough in a certain way and cooking it in a particular way cannot be patented.

In other words, using wheat flour to make French bread, multigrain or brioche cannot be patented. Ancientgrain was just using a different recipe for the same teff flour with minor changes.

Apparently, Ancientgrain has also secured registration patents in Italy , Australia and other countries.

What is the likelihood Ancientgrain will be successful in defending its patents in other countries.

Very unlikely in my view. In many Western countries, the standards for patent infringements (violations) are similar. I would predict Ancianegrain will not go through the expense of defending its patent in other countries because the outcome is unlikely to be different from the Dutch patent court decision.

However, the Dutch teff patent case raises a much larger issue of biopiracy, an activity that is increasing in scope worldwide.

Bio-pirates masquerading as researchers and research organizations rip off biological resources from developing countries without official authorization to Western countries, patent them and sell them with exclusive rights.

Africa has long been a victim of bio-piracy rip-offs.

In my opinion, what Ancientgrain did with its teff patent registration is nothing more than bio-piracy.

For over a quarter of a century, many countries have tried to protect their bioresources by legislating consistent with the 1992 Convention on Biological Diversity.

The aim of the Convention is to promote conservation of biological diversity, sustainable use and the fair and equitable sharing of benefits arising from genetic resources.

A central aim of the Convention is to protect developing countries from bio-pirates.

Ethiopia signed the Convention on June 10, 1992.

I am not aware of any action taken by the former regime that was in power for 27 years to protect our bioresources consistent with the 1992 Convention. It is highly unlikely that regime of ignoramuses was even aware of the Convention.

The Government of H.E. Prime Minister Dr. Abiy Ahmed should enact appropriate legislation consistent with the  Convention to protect the hundreds of plant and animal species unique to Ethiopia.

But the responsibility of environmental conservation and preservation does not fall only PM Abiy’s Government.

I would indeed argue that the lion’s share of responsibility for environmental stewardship falls upon Ethiopia’s Abo Shemanes (Cheetahs, younger generation).

As an environmentalist and proud tree hugger, I have always had deep concern for environmental conservation in Ethiopia.

I am proud of the fact that Ethiopia is home to many species of plants and animals that cannot be found anywhere else on Earth. But many of them are endangered.

It is my dream to see the day when an Ethiopian youth environmental movement shall rise and plant 110 million trees (one for every Ethiopian) and join hands to save our endangered species!!!

——-

My Amharic ESAT on interview on the Dutch teff patent litigation is available here:

https://ethsat.com/2019/02/esat-radio-wed-06-feb-2019/

Interview begins at 14:08.

The post Did a Dutch Company Engage in “Bio-Piracy” by Patenting Teff, Ethiopia’s National Grain? appeared first on Satenaw Ethioopian News & Breaking News: Your right to know!.

The organisation has a long way to go until it can claim to fulfil promises made when it was founded in 2001.

by Hamza Mohamed

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia – The African Unionleaders are meeting in Addis Ababa for their annual summit.

The pan-African body, comprising 55 member states, was founded in 2001 and launched a year later to much funfair and lofty ambitions.

The continental body replaced the Organisation of African Unity, established in 1963 to end colonialism in Africa.

The AU leaders promised African solutions to African problems. But has the organisation been successful?

Democracy

At the time of launching, one of its objectives was to “promote democratic principles and institutions”, a tall order then and today.

In December 2018, when election results were disputed in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the AU was caught flat-footed.

Felix Tshisekedi was named the winner. The AU said there were serious doubts about the outcome of the vote and called on Kinshasa to suspend the final results. The call was flatly rejected.

In 2015, Burundi President Pierre Nkurunziza went against his country’s constitution to run for a third term in office in a vote boycotted by the opposition.

Deadly violence followed. AU said it will send in 5,000 peacekeepers but Nkurunziza said he will consider the move an invasion.

The bloc backed down and said it will send observers instead.

AU’s current chairperson is Rwanda’s Paul Kagame who has been in power since 2000.

Following a referendum in 2015, Kagame can rule landlocked Rwanda until 2034. Uganda and Congo have also removed term limits for their long-serving leaders.

Africa boasts six of the world’s top 10 longest-serving non-monarch leaders.

At the AU summit in Addis Ababa, Kagame is expected to be succeeded by President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi who overthrew Egypt’s democratically elected government in 2013.

Corruption

Africa loses more than $140bn to corruption annually. That figure is equivalent to a quarter of the continent’s average gross domestic product (GDP), according to the AU.

Transparency International’s 2018 corruption perception index revealed six of the 10 most corrupt countries in the world are in Africa.

But the AU has vowed to crack down on corruption. The bloc’s 2018 summit theme was fighting corruption.

“Every year, the African continent loses close to $150bn to corruption,” Moussa Faki, AU Commission chief, said during last year’s summit.

“This is unacceptable and must be addressed with immediate effect. Otherwise, the vision of achieving an Africa that is self-sustaining and prosperous will remain nothing but a dream.”

Security

Conflict still affects many countries on the continent, from Mali in the west to Somalia in the east and South Sudan and DR Congo in the centre.

Shortly after its formation, the AU agreed to set up the African Standby Force (ASF). The force was created in order to be deployed in times of crises and to avoid reliance on the outside world when it came to maintaining peace in Africa.

In 2007, the AU sent troops to Somalia to back the government in Mogadishu fighting an al-Qaeda-linked rebel group.

The AU Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) pushed the armed group al-Shabab not just from the capital Mogadishu but from most parts of Somalia.

But AMISOM’s successes would not have been possible without the financial backing of the European Union and the United States. In 2015, the AU said it will fund 25 percent of its peace and security operations.

The AU also sent peacekeepers to Sudan’s southwest Darfur region in 2004 following a conflict between the government in Khartoum and the rebel groups.

But after failing to contain the violence and facing financial difficulties, the operation was merged with a United Nations mission in 2007.

Last week, the AU sponsored talks that led to a peace deal between the Central African Republic government and 14 rebel groups.

The AU also averted the political crisis in Madagascar and Comoros last year.

Reforms

One of the biggest challenges that continues to face the AU is the lack of money to finance its big ambitions and pledges.

Currently, 72 percent of the AU’s budget is funded by external partners.

“Promoting peace and security is one of the core functions of our union. However, up to this point, we have lacked a credible mechanism to fund our priority operations in this domain. We depended too extensively on external resources,” President Kagame said last year.

Free trade

An area that the bloc has seen relative success is the planned creation of a Continental Free Trade Area. Since last year, 19 countries have signed up to the agreement and turned it into a domestic law.

South Africa, the continent’s second largest economy is also onboard. Africa’s largest economy, Nigeria, is yet to sign up the agreement.

But the agreement needs signatures of at least 22 countries to take effect.

Me too

Sexual harassment is a major issue for women working at the AU, according to an internal investigation which found that interns, youth volunteers and short-term staffers were “exploited for sex in exchange for jobs”.

The investigation was launched in May 2018 after more than three dozen female staff complained anonymously about pervasive sexual harassment and gender discrimination.

In a statement following the investigation, the AU said that Moussa Faki, AU commission chair, will take “immediate action on urgent issues” such as acting appointments and will appoint a committee to look into 44 cases that the inquiry considered.

But an increasing number of experts and charity groups have called on the bloc to publicly release the report’s full findings.

“The report should not be an internal one. It should be made public because the AU is a public institution,” Apollos Nwofor, Pan Africa director for Oxfam International, told Al Jazeera.

“It is important that the report does a thorough job in calling out those responsible. They should be purged from the system. This is not about just coming to the office, it’s about people’s lives.”

The AU leaders’ meeting in Addis Ababa will be in agreement that they have a long way to go before they achieve the tall ambition they set themselves more than 15 years ago.

SOURCE: AL JAZEERA NEWS

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