By Mammo Muchie

The recent Forum on China-Africa cooperation(FOCAC) held in Beijing, China has generated lots of media coverage reporting that China is taking Africa’s resources to cover the debt the African states owe China. The case that has been featured globally recently is what Zambia is said to be in now, not being able to pay the debt from China.

Zambia is said to be ready to relinquish its own international Kenneth Kaunda airport, ZESCO the Zambian state electricity company and the Zambian broadcasting company to meet its debt obligations to China. If this is true, it goes very much, against what China is said to have done in Africa. What China is said to prefer to do is to cancel debts rather than go colonial and demand that the indebted African states relinquish their own resources and assets to cover their debts from China. It also goes very much, against what President Xi and even the earlier leaders of China have advocated to create a China that will relate with the entire former colonized world by applying the principle of mutual benefit and not applying neo-colonial threats.    –—Read More—-

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Written by፡ Luel Gebremedhin(USA)
September 19/2018.

“ A hero is someone who understands the responsibility that comes with his or her freedom.”

Bob Dylan

An Ethiopian hero who fought the Somalian aggression tirelessly from July 1969 to February 1970 (Ethiopian Calendar) was Colonel Bezabeh Petros..  The father of three boys and two girls was born in 1944 in Ethiopia.

In July 27,1969, former Somalian President Mohammed Ziadbare announced to invade Ethiopian territory in the Eastern front. The Ethiopian Air force was waiting well prepared to smash the aggressor. Colonel Bezabeh Petros flew over the sky with his American made F5E war Jet and knocked eight Somalian war tanks in Eastern Ethiopia. In October 1970 , this brave Ethiopian hero infused and rocked the enemy in Jijiga Karamara. His jet got hit by the enemy combatant  at this year at the place of Karamara but he could manage remarkably and landed his fighter jet in Bishoftu.

In 1970, Colonel Bezabeh Petros branded with M21 fighter jet and attacked the Ziadbare soldiers in Diredawa.  In December 1970, Somalian Air force penetrated the Ethiopian territory and made significant attack but the Ethiopian air force ordered Colonel Bezabeh Petros and Colonel Legesse Tefera to destroy Somalian air base in Mogadishu. These two brave Ethiopian fighter jet pilots made prestigious history by destroyed the Somali jets before they made land at their air base.

In December 13,1970, the Somalian’s logistics and preparedness Center in Togo Wichale(ተጎ ውጫሌ)   cleared and mopped from the air by Colonel Bezabeh Petros and his team coordinately but again his jet got hit from the ground by the Somalian soldier artillery squad but he managed to return back home safe.

In January 1970, the Colonel finalized the road to victory after he chopped the Somalian forces at Teferi Ber the boarder where between Ethiopia and Somalia shared. Colonel Bezabeh Petros striked five Somalian tanks here at Teferi Ber(ተፈሪ በር).

Colonel Bezabeh Petros was the hero, the father, and real public servant in the Ethiopian Air force. He fought the Somalian invader from July 1969 to February 1970 with the highest dedication and devotion to his Nation. During the Ethio-Somalian war, the Colonel got hit three times but survived passionately and bravely with little physical and material damaged. In 1972, he got the highest award in Ethiopia military history for his unique and outstanding military objectivities and responsibilities he well achieved.

From 1972 to 1977, he had been moved to the Northern part of Ethiopia to confront Eritrean Liberation front(EPLF).  In 1977, Colonel Bezabeh Petros took heavy mission to hit the front at Nakfa (ናቅፋ) but his jet got hit by the front and he became captive as POW under the EPLF control.  He got release after sometimes and backed home safe from Eritrea war front.

In 1990, the two used to close partners (TPLF & EPLF) became enemy each other and turned to war over the disputed land of Badme.  Colonel Bezabeh Petros summoned by the Ethiopian authority to join the Ethiopian Air force to fight with the Eritrean aggressive move to control Ethiopia’s Northern massive territories . He joined and again flew over the Eritrean air space at low attitude and made complete destruction to the Eritrea’s military and logistic facilities near the City of Asmara. After he  has done his mission of destruction of the enemy’s target, his fighter jet couldn’t survive from the ground force of the Eritrean military personnel. Then, Colonel Bezabeh Petros rested under the hand of the Eritrean government.

The reputable and leading history of Colonel Bezabeh Petros is eternal and Priceless to count.  Ironically perhaps amazingly,  the Ethiopian government did nothing to stand the brave son of Ethiopia secure his release from his captivity in Eritrea. Now is the right time to appeal and request the Eritrean government to release our brave man to come back home safe if he is alive.

The Ethiopian people deserve to know where their son is. I am appealing to the Eritrean government let free the brave and Ethiopian hero Colonel Bezabeh Petros. I am appealing to the Ethiopian government does his part to bring our hero back home safe from the prison he is captivated. All of us need to know what happened to our all time brave and hero of Colonel Bezabeh Petros. May God helps!

Note፡ All years are being considered as Ethiopian Calendared.

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After 27 years of brutal TPLF/EPRDF suppression, Ethiopians started in the last 5 months  a new promising beginning with some smell of freedom  and  optimistic shining democratic  lights  from near future distance. This is as result of peaceful struggle of Ethiopians of all walk of life  in the last 27 years and more recently, the new generation , the youth in the last four years. The people struggle penetrated the core of EPRDF and resulted  in the new generation of leaders delivering the reform/the change in the Ethiopian politics.

Prime Minster Dr. Abiy Ahmed  and the new leadership team’s  early  bold speech and action  have given  the Ethiopian people great  optimism and new hope. The people who suffered from the brutal regime for several generations seeking  for peace, stability, fairness, justice, equal opportunity and democratic rights. This can be achieved only if we all think, plan and work  as  Ethiopian people deserving such, not as certain specific ethnic group which promote superiority or “victim” politics. TPLF has used such ethnic politics which resulted in  suffering and death.

Ethiopians of all walk of life from any ethnic group or religion or educational, economic or social  status should seek for justice system that treat everyone fairly with equal opportunity.  We need to build a political infrastructure that maintain peace, stability, justice, fairness, equal opportunity and guarantee individual  human rights and responsibilities.

The priority  of our time have to be building these fundamental infrastructures. The Justice system, Police, Army should be reformed to be independent from any influence of politics, power or money. The media have to be organised to serve the people instead of the powerful. An independent Election Commission should be formed to guarantee fair and sound election. Fundamental individual rights should get priority  and  get guarantee in the Constitution which needs revision.

Ethnic politics in our country resulted in dangerous outcomes. It has promoted ethnic superiority/inferiority or/and  victim politics. It is divisive and anti-democratic. Its roots are based on discrimination, victimization and polarization; its trunks  and fruits are new reciprocal entitlement and power to suppress others. The future  of Ethiopia’s  politics should aim for no ethnic politics of such. We should aim for abolishing   political parties  formed by ethnicity  which result in division, hate, superiority/inferiority, victimization  and anti democratic measures.  People should be able to form political party based on ideas.

Individual rights respected in democratic society would solve most of the ills in the society including certain groups claim for. Group right should be respected in a society but it shouldn’t overtake individual rights.

In our country, we need to recognise that we have several ethnic identity with its own  distinct language, norms and traditions. This shouldn’t be used to make boundary on earth and political organization to form power base to be superior or suppress others who don’t share such. As example people of different faith have been  living  peacefully in different region of the country  and worship together without forming political power base to discriminate others. The same can be applied for different ethnic group can live and work  in any part of the country while its language, culture, tradition are  respected and celebrated. We can form a Ministry in the government to ensure these languages, tradition, norms to be celebrated and promoted. It shouldn’t be used as tool for political power and fences of boundaries on the ground.

No one chose to be born of this and that ethnicities  in our country Ethiopia. The country belongs to all and its resources  belong to all. All should be treated fairly with equal opportunity for work, education, business and economic advantage. Unless this is guaranteed, it will be constant source of conflict among ourselves. We shouldn’t define  our life by the history of yesterday but the current reality and the future we will have. If an  ethnic group élites  claim “this land belongs to me 130 years ago”, other would claim “you have taken it from my ethnic group  400 years ago”. This will make us to live in the past instead of the present and our future.

Ethiopia as country needs decentralised power in form of federalism to ensure power nearer to the people. This facilitate growth and create better civil society with respected individual, group rights and responsibilities. Boundaries for each region should be made not based on ethnicity, language or tradition but rather based on promoting people to people interaction, prosperity, ease of administration and growth. The current arrangement of regional federal boundary has not been intended for such rather it has been divisive, discriminatory and created delusions of ownership by certain groups ignoring other Ethiopians. It has resulted in conflict and bloodshed. The Constitution of the land should rectify such ill.

Dr.Abiy Ahmed and the new leadership team should look for lasting peaceful and fair society for Ethiopian people that would promote peace, fairness, justice and equal opportunity. The recent hiccup and obstacles created by ethnic tribal’s, power mongers fuelled and financed  by hidden forces  ( those who lost the power and influence plus foreign adversaries) are hindrances in democratic process.

The young, seasoned new  leaders shouldn’t be destructed by such to lose the focus of forming Democratic Ethiopia. Although you have been patient to make peaceful reform or change, the destructive forces are working hard to derail you by inciting violence against different ethnic group. Such violence do creates an emotional feeling from the victim and  most Ethiopians to have  illusion about your ability to manage the basic rule of a government which is maintaining law and order. Your wisdom, patience and judgement is being tested. You would pass this obstacles if you regroup, focus on the bigger picture while handling the detractors in legal way without delay  and justice should be served in fair way.

The new leadership shouldn’t be blurred by the artificial ethnic political mushroom with passing wind music. The ethnic activists, their media, their  false propaganda  and anti people agitation  should be counter backed by  unity, fairness, justice, truth,  development, democratic rights and building of fundamental democratic infrastructure.

We need desperately to organise national reconciliation and rehabilitation process so that we will never be trapped by victim and perpetrator tormenting politics. We need to live in country where the victims forgive the perpetrator  with justice prevailed and free from animosity and mistrust. We need forgiveness and justice to close the past chapter of last 40 years  to define our future.

Opposition political parties of any colour should use this peaceful opportunity to be good cause and transform the country for lasting peace and stability with fairness. Those of you who believe as “this is the time to achieve   my final goal  of ethnic politics or short cut to power”  should think twice before you bring mayhem that will burn you and the poor people.

The new leadership should  stick  with your bold statement  and promises you made at the start which gathered and mobilised support from  millions of Ethiopians. Ethiopians deserve political system that treats them fairly with equal opportunity  and justice.

Once again, we need to support the new leadership in the direction of democratization of our country where we all  and our children deserve to live peacefully and happily.

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By Al Mariam

I just returned from Ethiopia after a 48-year absence.

Ethiopia has changed in ways I could not possibly imagine. It also has not changed at all.

The old saying is true. The more things change, the more they remain the same. I will share my experiences in my forthcoming commentaries.

But there is one thing that has not changed: The war the Forces of Darkness are waging on our peaceful change.

To turn back the hands of time and once again sit in the saddle of power, the wicked Forces of Darkness are working harder than a three-legged cat trying to bury turd on a marble floor.

They are still masterminding and orchestrating massacres from their citadel of darkness.

They are still working day and night to divide Ethiopia by ethnicity, religion, language and region.

They are doing everything they can to beckon and to provoke the Forces of Light to cross over to the Dark Side by engaging in ethnic revenge, retaliation, retribution and reprisals.

We are working day and night to keep Ethiopia chugging along on the roads Mandela named for us, and our forefathers travelled for millennia: Goodness and Forgiveness.

Our forefathers paid with their blood, sweat and tears to keep Ethiopia united.

Today, we too are paying the same price as the Forces of Darkness continue to use our peace to wage war on us.

When we stretched our hands to them in peace, they paid their murderous thugs to lop them off with  machetes.

When we opened our arms to embrace them, they tried to put daggers in our hearts.

When we offered to hold hands and walk with them in the joyous spirit of brotherhood, they tried to stab us in the back.

When we tried to reason with them that we are all bound in a single garment of destiny called Ethiopiawinet/Sewenet (our humanity in our Ethiopian identity), they clubbed us and bashed our heads with brickbats.

The Forces of Darkness deliberately mistake our patience for powerlessness; our commitment to peaceful change for cowardice; our gestures of reconciliation for retreat and servility; our goodwill for timidity and our humanitarianism and bigheartedness for gutlessness and wimpiness.

They fail to grasp an eternal truth: “Strength does not come from physical capacity. It comes from an indomitable will.”

No one ever won the hearts and minds of people by killing, maiming, massacring and slaughtering innocent civilians.

As PM Abiy has said so many times, “Only losers kill innocent people.”

But the Forces of Darkness continue to plan, contrive, conspire, finance, organize and commit crimes against humanity against innocent citizens and provoke us to cross over and join them in the Darkside.

They taunt us and inflame public passions with their atrocities hoping desperately to trigger an ethnic Armageddon in Ethiopia.

But there will be no ethnic Armageddon in Ethiopia. Ethiopia is irreversibly committed to the path of peace, forgiveness and reconciliation.

Hiding in their dark citadels, the Forces of Darkness think they are invisible.

They are very visible.

We can see their handprints, palmprints, fingerprints and footprints all over the killing fields of Jijiga, Burayu, Gonder, Moyale, Hawassa, Wolaita Sodo, Wolkite, Benishangul-Gumuz, Wolkait-Tegede, Raya Azebo, Gambela and Afar regions and so many other places.

The atrocities of September 17

On September 17, the Forces of Darkness brought their macabre show of death and destruction to the outskirts of the capital Addis Ababa.

Gangs of marauding thugs on the payroll of the Forces of Darkness ethnically targeted neighborhoods in the towns of Burayu and Ashewa Meda located some 15 miles northwest of Addis Ababa and killed at least 65 innocent people.

Reports indicate the victims of the ethnic violence died after being stabbed, clubbed or stoned.

Ethiopian Federal Police Commissioner Zeinu Jamal said the ethnic killings were orchestrated and orders were given “from a single command post”.

Commissioner Zeinu did not say the “single command post” was a mercenary military command post.

Condemnation of the murderous attacks was universal and swift.

PM Abiy condemned the “cowardly attacks” on innocent citizens and declared that the attacks “represent a grave concern to the unity and solidarity of our people and will be met with appropriate response.”

In a joint communiqué, the Oromo Federalist Congress, Oromo Liberation Front, Oromo Democratic Front, Oromo Unity for Freedom, Oromo Unity Front, Blue Party and Patriotic Ginbot 7 Movement for Unity and Democracy also condemned the attacks.

African Union Commission Chairperson, Moussa Faki Mahamat issued a condemnation. “This criminal attack will only strengthen the resolve of the Ethiopian leadership and people to stand in unity, persevere on the path of reform and ensure the prevalence of the rule of the law.”

Not surprisingly, not a word of sympathy or compassion came out of the mouths of the Forces of Darkness. They were as silent as the grave in which their innocent victims are entombed.

It is said that killers return to the crime scene and hide in the crowd to see their handiwork.

The Forces of Darkness were nowhere to be seen, nor their voices heard in Burayu or Ashewa Meda. They remained in their citadel of darkness laughing at the carnage, death and destruction they paid to bring about.

Burayu and Ashewa Meda were the perfect cover with perfect timing for the perfect storm for the Forces of Darkness.

They used the occasion of the return of leaders of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), an exiled armed group that had renounced violence and accepted the peace offer of H.E. Prime Minister Dr. Abiy Ahmed, to do their dirty deed.

A few days before the Burayu and Ashewa Meda attacks, the Forces of Darkness tried to put on a preview of their death and destruction show by paying marauding gangs to create clashes in certain parts of the city around the sensitive issue of the Ethiopian flag. That effort failed.

The Forces of Darkness thought they could pin the blame for the death and destruction on the OLF and Ginbot 7, another opposition group that had recently returned to the country to peacefully engage in the political process, and a youth movement known as the Queroo.

They thought they could create the perfect storm of what they hoped would be ethnic cleansing atrocities close to the capital and trigger an ethnic Armageddon.

They thought they had finally found the magic formula to provoke Amharas and other ethnic groups  into revenge killings of Oromos and launch an endless cycle of retaliation, retribution and reprisals.

They failed.

What the Forces of Darkness intended to be an Armageddon ended up being a moment of unity, solidarity, peace and an expression of a collective inter-ethnic and interfaith determination to bring the criminals to justice.

Police have reported that hundreds of suspects have been arrested in connection with the Burayu and Ashewa Meda killings. Preliminary investigations have revealed that the thugs were paid thousands of birr to engage in the criminal acts.

Federal Police Commissioner Zeinu Jamal confirmed that the killings were “financed to deliberately disrupt the peace of the society and trying to give it the semblance of inter-ethnic clashes”.

The outpouring of support for the families of the victims of the Forces of Darkness was incredible and showed the very best of the Ethiopian character.

Political leaders, community elders, human rights activists, performing artists and ordinary citizens lined up to provide moral and material support to the surviving victims.

Oromia president Lemma Megerssa stepped forward and declared the region will take full responsibility in supporting and rehabilitating the victims.

It is confirmed that 11, 902 victims have returned to their homes. Of the 20 temporary shelters set up for the victims, 17 have been closed. 1,514 remain in temporary shelters.

“After us, Armageddon!”

The proverbial Ethiopian donkey proclaimed it does not care if grass grows after its passing away.

The dethroned kings of the Forces of Darkness in their cowardly deeds of death and destruction have declared that if they cannot have Ethiopia as their playground and plaything, she can go to hell!

That is why they are doing everything they can to create strife, conflict, division and antagonism in Ethiopia.

They are leaving no stones unturned to turn the hands of time to take Ethiopia back to their stone age (bush age) of might makes right.

They are still trying to prove power comes out of the barrel of a gun and the handle of a machete.

But they do not wield guns and machetes is in their hands.

Their deadly weapons are wads, bundles and rolls of cash stolen from the Ethiopian people over the last 27 years.

They let their invisible hands oozing with stolen billions do the trigger pulling and swinging of the machetes to take the lives of so many innocent people.

The Strategy of the Forces of Darkness to turn back the hands of time 27 years

The Forces of Darkness believe they can return to power by implementing a six-pronged winning strategy. Their strategic objective is simple: Create high impact killing events to spread fear and loathing and trigger an ethnic Armageddon in Ethiopia.

I. Depict PM Abiy and his administration as weak and incapable of governing

The Forces of Darkness desperately want PM Abiy to overreact and to act irrationally by ordering indiscriminate police, security and military action.

They believe this strategy is foolproof in two ways: a) If PM Abiy overreacts, they will orchestrate a campaign to demonize him as a dictator; b) If he does overreact, they can portray him as indecisive, fearful, faltering and weak.

They brag things were different when they were in power. The country was stable, no demonstrations, not a pip out of anyone.

Today, under PM Abiy it is all anarchy and chaos.

In the end, their aims are fourfold:

1) Discredit, embarrass and generate public doubt and lack of confidence in PM Abiy’s leadership.

2) Force PM Abiy to declare a state of emergency and begin a crackdown just like they did over the past couple of years and impose extreme hardship on the population and trigger mass unrest.

3) Completely delegitimize and undermine all popular support for PM Abiy and his administration.

4) Undermine international confidence in PM Abiy by undertaking their criminal acts while he is on diplomatic mission abroad and getting foreign embassies to declare travel advisories.

II. Divide and create antagonism between and among opposition groups and the government

The Forces of Darkness have a dual strategy for opposition groups. They aim to kill many birds with one stone.

First, they hope to buy off opposition leaders with the billions of their stolen loot.  They think everybody has a price. It is a matter of how much. Give cash and bling to opposition leaders and get them to eat out of their hands and toss them in their back pockets.

Second, sow the seeds of distrust, fear,  division and antagonism between PM Abiy’s government and opposition groups in the country, particularly the OLF and Ginbot 7, two opposition groups that have agreed to wage a peaceful political struggle going forward. If they can get opposition groups and the government to  start pointing fingers at each other, they hope it will not be too long before they start talking with the muzzle of their AK-47s.

Third, delegitimize, demonize and dehumanize opposition  groups. The Forces of Darkness hope to create the public impression that those they once deemed terrorists are still terrorists in our midst, courtesy of PM Abiy Ahmed.

They want the public to believe PM Abiy is letting “terrorists” run amok and free.

Fourth, the Forces of Darkness aim to stoke anger, animosity, bitterness, hatred and ill-feeling between opposition groups and the PM Abiy administration.

Hyenas steal the quarry from fighting lions. The hyenas feast on their stolen quarry as battered lion limp back to their dens licking their wounds and hungry.

The Forces of Darkness hope to return to power as the opposition and the government pointing finger and hurling accusations at each other.

III. Depict themselves as victims and likely targets of ethnic genocide

The Forces of Darkness have two strategies to restore themselves in power and to escape accountability.

There is no question the Forces of Darkness want to return to Ethiopia and sit in the saddle of power.

I have seen them sitting in stunned disbelief how their planned 100-year rule came to an end only after 27 years.

I have seen some in slobbering in despair that all is lost and whispering, “Woe is me!”

They did not know all good things must come to an end. The gravy train is gone, forever.

They should not be surprised. Hitler’s vaunted Thousand Year Reich of the Master Race lasted only twelve years, four months, and eight days.

There will never be a 100-year rule because, as Mandela said, we are building a new nation; and “Never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will again experience the oppression of one by another.”

The Forces of Darkness also seek to escape accountability. To accomplish this objective, they perpetuate propaganda that the rest of Ethiopians are planning to conduct ethnic genocide.

They try to flimflam people into believing the Oromo-Amhara unity will inevitably result in a Rwanda-style genocide.

They aim to avoid responsibility by scaremongering.

But the Forces of Darkness have fatal weaknesses.

Their first greatest weakness of the Forces of Darkness is that they do not know themselves.

They really believe they are so crafty and clever, they could outfox, outwit, out-think, outsmart, outplay, and outmaneuver any one. That is how they have themselves for 27 years.

They think they are the bravest and most cunning.

They truly believe the rest of Ethiopians are damned “fools and idiots.”

The second greatest weakness of the Forces of Darkness is that they believe they can return to power and solve political problems by killing, jailing, torturing and abusing power.

Their third greatest weakness is they have no idea what time it is.

They are still walking around with bush mentality. They still live by the law of the jungle.

But back in June 2007, I told them exactly what time it is.

Using the words of the great American civil rights leader Harry Belafonte, I told them it is time to “hammer out love between the brothers and the sisters all over the land”, called Ethiopia.

I told them it is time build a free society and heal the wounds of ethnic hatred and division.

I told them it is high time to start construction on a new society based on the rule of law, respect for civil liberties and human rights.

I told them it is time to rekindle the spirit of democracy from the smoldering fire of popular anger and loathing.

I told them it is time to reconcile, to bury the hatchet. Time to set aside differences and work for a common cause, the holy cause of human rights and democracy in Ethiopia.

I told them it is time to engage in constructive dialogue over the important issues facing the people and turn our attention away from petty differences.

I told them it is time to build bridges and reach out to those of us in the Diaspora and to build bridges between groups and to tear down the walls that keep us isolated in our little camps.

It is time to say No to ethnic politics, and Yes to human rights and democracy.

I told them. I did! I did!

But they did not listen.

Now I am telling them, it is time to MEDEMER.

IV. Provoke other ethnic groups in Ethiopia to rise up against “Oromo rule”

The Forces of Darkness have launched a campaign of psychological warfare against Oromos.

They seek to manipulate public opinion to trigger a mass uprising and backlash against PM Abiy and “Oromo rule”.

They want to tar and feather PM Abiy as an “Oromo leader”.

They want to provoke the people to rise up in anger and fury and engage in atrocities against Oromos.

They want people to violently overreact to the atrocities they themselves unleashed through their paid thugs and stoke the fires for an ethnic conflagration that will consume the entire country in an Armageddon.

They want to create uncertainty, despair and instill fear and trepidation in the population.

By planning and financing terrorist acts to be committed by unemployed desperate youths, they aim to generate oversized consequences.

The Forces of Darkness want to instill fear and trepidation in the Ethiopian population.

They aim to use their stolen loot in high impact events to obtain oversized results in terms of the popular reaction.

V. Create Oromo-phobia

The Forces of Darkness have a two-pronged strategy to neutralize Oromos.

First, they are hell-bent on spreading Oromo-phobia.

They are leaving no stones unturned to demonize, dehumanize, ostracize and scandalize Oromos.

Second, they aim to depict the administration of PM Abiy and the Oromia regional government as  weak, indecisive, hesitant and unsure.

They cannot govern

Third, they aim to stoke the fires of ethnic hatred between Amharas and Oromos.

For 27 years, they created and maintained ethnic tensions, polarization and division between Amharas and Oromos.

They claimed Amharas and Oromos are natural and historical enemies, and if they unite it is “because we did not do our homework.”

They have said Amharas and Oromos are like oil and water. They don’t mix.

They even said “Amhara and Oromo are like “chid” (the chaff from Ethiopia’s staple food teff)  and fire (the equivalent of fire and highly combustible pampas grass).  They must never be allowed to come together as one.

PM Abiy has news for them. At the conclusion of the 9^th Annual Conference of the Oromo Democratic party PM Abiy said (author’s translation):

It is impossible to divide Amhara and Oromos. Those who try to divide Amhara and Oromos do not know Ethiopian history. The conspiracy to create interethnic clashes will not work. The effort to divide Oromos and Amharas, Sidama and Wolayita, Oromo and Somali and other groups is a vain effort. Our journey of peace will not be sidetracked by bumps in the road. Those who waste their money and time on [such evil deeds] should refrain from such activities.

VI. Spread disinformation that Ethiopia is a divided country in imminent collapse

The Forces of Darkness want to tarnish the image of Ethiopia today as the leader in the African peace movement.

They want to create the impression that ethnic cleansing is taking place in Ethiopia. Anarchy rules in Ethiopia and the country is on the verge of collapse.

Just yesterday, Leymah Gbowee, the Liberian Nobel Peace laureate, said the 2018 World Peace Day should be dedicated to Ethiopia and Eritrea. “As we celebrate world peace day, it is my prayer that our world will continue to move one step closer to global peace. This day must be dedicated to Ethiopia and Eritrea, for putting their political differences aside and daring to invite peace back into their midst.”

The Forces of Darkness want the international image of Ethiopia to be a land of conflict, strife and ethnic polarization.

They want foreign embassies to issue travel advisories so that diplomats, business persons and tourists will be afraid to come to Ethiopia.

They want to depict Ethiopia to the international community as a country on the verge of collapse and civil war.

They will not succeed!

The Forces of Darkness will continue with their evil deeds and we must not take their bait

We must all face some painful facts.

The Forces of Darkness will not stop their evil deeds to plunge Ethiopia into chaos.

They will not stop trying to make Ethiopia killing fields for an ethnic Armageddon.

They will not stop recruiting desperate unemployed youths to do their dirty deeds.

They will not stop trying to turn the hands of time to the past 27 years!

What can we do?

First, we must not panic and resort to overreaction every time the Forces of Darkness commit their atrocities. Like all terrorists, the Forces of Darkness aim to cause panic, alarm, confusion, fear and hysteria in the population. If people panic and overreact every time they commit atrocities, that will only encourage them to commit more atrocities. That is why we must be measured in our response to the acts of terrorism by the Forces of Darkness.

Second, they want to spark the flames of an ethnic Armageddon by provoking people into acts of revenge. We must not take their bait and engage in acts of ethnic revenge, reprisals and retribution.

Third, we must separate the wheat from the chaff. The Forces of Darkness are well-known. They represent no ethnic group, only their private greedy interests. We must heed PM Abiy’s advice. “We must separate the thorns from the rose flowers. Because of one crooked tree, we must not destroy the whole forest.”

Fourth, we must maintain unflagging vigilance. Neither freedom nor peace come without a price. If Ethiopians do not want a return to the last 27 years, they must defend their newfound freedom and peace with their blood, sweat and tears. We must remain watchful over those who operate secretly in the dark.

Fifth, we must not be shocked by the evil deeds of the Forces of Darkness. Since their inception, they have lived by the law of the jungle, the law of the bush. They seized power by killing, maiming and torturing. They remained in power killing, maiming and torturing. Now that they are out of power, they will continue to kill, maim and torture to return to power.

Sixth, public safety is not only the responsibility of government. It is the duty of all citizens to stay alert and vigilant and to say something when they see something out of the ordinary to each other and to law enforcement. It will not be possible for the government to prevent all attacks by the Forces of Darkness because there is no foolproof method of preventing terrorist acts. But if Ethiopians make it their civic duty to stay vigilant, there will be far fewer of them.

Seventh, I call on civil society organizations, faith-based institutions, political parties and associations, traditional and cultural organizations to launch a campaign of “See something, Say Something”. Such a campaign has been very successful in America and there is no reason why it should not prove to be successful in Ethiopia.

Ethiopia has risen!

Peace is divinely ordained for Ethiopia.

The collapse and implosion of Ethiopia is greatly exaggerated.

There is no force on earth capable of returning Ethiopia to the darkness of the last 27 years. None!

In 2013, I prophesied the Forces of Darkness have profoundly troubled the Ethiopian house and they shall inherit the wind!

Behold the Forces of Darkness today twisting in the wind.

In 2016, I prophesied that I was sure as the sun will rise tomorrow that whatever the Forces of Darkness do to Ethiopia today will not matter tomorrow. Did I get it right?!

Decades ago, the Forces of Darkness set out to bury Ethiopia in a graveyard of ethnic hate and sectarian conflict.

Today, Ethiopia is rising from the graveyard of minority ethnic rule and  oppression.

In the risen Ethiopia, there shall no longer be first class and second-class citizens.

In the risen Ethiopia, ethnicity, religion, language, region or gender shall have no more significance than the color of  one’s eyes.

In the risen Ethiopia, human rights shall be guaranteed to all.

Long ago, Kwame Nkruma, Ghana’s first president prophesied “Ethiopia Shall Rise”.

In 2013, I announced that good news to my readers.

In September 2018, I was blessed to set foot in a risen Ethiopia.

I never thought in my wildest imagination that I will live to see the risen Ethiopia Nkrumah talked about.

It was a dream, a pipe dream, for me to see an Ethiopia free and marching on the road to democracy, freedom and human rights.

I owe a special debt of gratitude to PM Abiy.

When he visited the U.S. in late July, he issued a challenge to all Diaspora Ethiopians. “You do not know your country. You do not know your people. Many of your people drink water from the same river their cattle do. Come and see for yourselves.”

I thought it was futile and useless for me to go back after 48 years (save for the three or so months in 1974).

But PM Abiy’s words haunted me as I dithered and wavered about going.

The more I thought about it, the more I was convinced PM Abiy is right.

I had to be reintroduced to my country and my people.

I had to see and talk to those people he said drink the same water as their cattle from the river.

I spent just a few days in Addis. I spent most of my time in the countryside (geter).

I met an Aba Geda (traditional leader) named Abdul Jabar in Sof Omar (named after the saintly Sheik Sof Omar Ahmed and home of one of the most spectacular and extensive underground caverns in the world) in Bale Zone.

In the grand beauty of Sof Omar, the Aba Geda forced me to witness  the ugly truth about Ethiopians drinking muddy water out of the Weib River.

It was a total shock to me. I had traveled nearly 10 thousand miles to be confronted by the stark reality PM Abiy talked about.

I was heartbroken. I wanted to cry but I was too embarrassed.

For the past week, as I turn the turn the spigot in the kitchen, take a shower, and especially watch the sprinklers gushing out clean water on the grass in my backyard, the image of Abe Geda Abdul Jabar, seared in my conscience, stands pointing an accusatory finger at me.

Perhaps I should not have gone back to Ethiopia and face such a painful reality. Perhaps I should have stayed in the capital and hanged out at the posh tourist spots. I would not have to carry such a heavy burden now.

I have always said to those much is given much is expected. I must bear the  cross of those who drink water with their cattle and do everything I can to make sure they are entitled to the most basic of human rights: Clean water to drink.

I get deeply emotional as I write these words.

There are many beautiful countries in the world. I have been fortunate enough to see quite a few of them.

Forgive me for being partial, but all things considered, Ethiopia is the most beautiful country in the world.

I don’t have to say much more about Ethiopia as others, strangers, have said it all.

Rough Guides, the well-known British travel guidebook and reference publisher whose slogan is “Make the Most of Your Time on Earth”, in June 2018 ranked Ethiopia the No. 1 Most Welcoming Country in the World”. Many nice things have been said about Ethiopians.

I agree wholeheartedly that Ethiopia is the one place one would want to make the most of one’s time on earth.

The people in the most welcoming in the country are not concerned about killing each other in ethnic conflicts.

They want to live in peace.

They don’t want to hate; they want to love.

They don’t want to kill their brothers and sisters; they want to heal their wounds.

I feel for Ethiopia after 48 years as Shakespeare’s Romeo felt for Juliet when he first saw her, and she stole his heart: “Like a rich jewel in an Ethiope’s ear, Beauty too rich for use, for earth too dear.”

Romeo was helpless under Juliet’s spell because she outshined all other women.

I am helpless under Ethiopia’s spell. The beauty of Ethiopia and the Ethiopian people outshines all others.

But you do not have to take my word for it. Go and find out for yourselves. Just be forewarned. There is no escape once Ethiopia casts her spell on you!

I find it strange repeating PM Abiy’s words as my own to Diaspora Ethiopians.

It is true that the vast, vast majority of Ethiopians do not know their country and their people. The vast majority of Ethiopians live in the countryside, the geter. That is where you must go to meet, greet and talk to them. Ask them about their lives, their hardships, their children, their neighbors and their country.

Hanging around the capital and urban areas is great for a few days, but to know Ethiopia and the people, it is necessary to go where the people live and struggle to make ends meet.

It is easy to pontificate on Facebook and conduct war of words in social media or blog weekly about one thing or another.

There just ain’t nothing better than the real thing.

As they say, “Be there or be square.”

Medemer is our only way out

PM Abiy has offered us a way out of 27 years of bondage and has shown us the way to a promised land of peace, reconciliation and forgiveness.

It is the way of Medemer.

Ethiopians have an old saying. “If spiders’ web could be made into twine, it could tie up a lion.”  If thousands of spiders could come together for a common purpose (“Medemer) and work together, they could snag and bag that big ole king of the jungle.

If 100 million Ethiopians could only lend each other a hand (“Medemer”), they could uplift not only their country but also the world.

“Medemer” means to help each other. To help means to give a hand, not a handout but a hand up.

I believe Medemer is a uniquely African perspective.

In the past, we have practiced the ideologies of communism and capitalism.

Communism aimed to make victors of the oppressed and victims of the oppressors.

Capitalism promoted a society divided between winners and losers. If you are poor, you are a loser.

Medemer is fundamentally based on the belief that Africans, not just Ethiopians, can establish just societies on the belief that we can all be winners.

Medemer winners put themselves in the shoes of the other person. They engage in genuine dialogue, are open minded and receptive to different and opposing points of view.

They look beyond inflexible positions to find common interests.

They avoid gamesmanship because they believe the game of life is give and take.

Those who have followed my commentaries over the past 13 years know how much I detest zero sum games where one side wins all the time and everybody else loses every time.

I went to Ethiopia to Medemer.

There are no losers among those who practice Medemer. Only winners.

The Forces of Darkness have one and only one choice. Medemer or to be consigned to the dust bin of history!

We have an extraordinary leader in Abiy Ahmed

The international media is raving about P.M. Abiy Ahmed.

The Financial Times wrote Abiy Ahmed “may be the most popular politician in Africa” and calls him “Ethiopia’s Mandela”.

CNN has tried to explain “Why Ethiopians believe their new prime minister is a prophet.”

The Economist is trying to figure out why “Ethiopians are going wild for Abiy Ahmed.”

Al Jazeera wonders if Abiy Ahmed it the real thing: “Are Ethiopians blinded by Abiymania?”

The New York Times says Abiy Ahmed is the “most closely watched leader in Africa.”

Black Star News has declared, “Dr. Abiy Ahmed is a legitimate Nobel Peace Prize candidate.”

Herman Cohen, former U.S. Assistant Secretary for African Affairs, tweeted: “For the first time in my professional life, I am nominating someone for the Nobel Peace Prize: Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. If he brings multiparty democracy to #Ethiopia, the entire Horn of Africa will be transformed for the better.”

It is all incredible. Beyond anyone’s imagine.

Abiy Ahmed has been prime minister of Ethiopia for only 175 days, as of this writing!

We have a man for all seasons in Abiy Ahmed.

I make no apologies when I say that there is no leader in Ethiopia today who can hold a candle to Abiy Ahmed.

He is a leader of extraordinary intelligence and worlds apart from the herd claiming to be national leaders.

He is a critical and strategic thinker.

There is no private Abiy Ahmed and public Abiy Ahmed. What you see is what you get.

Abiy Ahmed says what he means and means what he says. He tells it like it is. That is why the people love him.

That is why I believe Abiy Ahmed is the political leader of the greatest virtue Ethiopia has produced in living memory.

Truth be told, I tremble to see the day when opposition leaders line up to engage him in debates in the 2020 election.

My advice to those opposition leaders in my generation is simple:

Walk away from the political platform in dignity. Your time has long passed. Don’t embarrass yourselves going up against the younger leadership. It is their time. It is their day. Ethiopia is the country of the young. We don’t speak their nor do we know what they want. I can assure you they do not want our leadership. They want their own.

So, I beg you all: Let’s all fade away from the political scene with dignity and honor. Let us rally and champion our Abiy Ahmeds, Lemma Megerssas, Eskinder Negas, Andualem Aragies, Nigist Yirgas, Muferiat Kamlis, Emawayish Alemus, Abubakar Ahmeds, Okello Akway Ochallas, Demeke Zewdus and so many others.

It is their time!

My message to Diaspora and all Ethiopians: We are rising, we are growing

The winds of peaceful change are blowing in Ethiopia.

Those who try to stop the peaceful change will end up inheriting the wind.

Don’t stop thinking about tomorrow.

Back in my day (having lived 48 years in America), we used to sing a special song:

Don’t stop thinking about tomorrow/ Don’t stop, it’ll soon be here/
It’ll be here better than before/ Yesterday’s gone, yesterday’s gone/
Don’t stop thinking about tomorrow/ Don’t stop, it’ll soon be here/…

But my African roots impel me to sing Margaret Singana’s song from South Africa “We are Growing” (full lyrics HERE), which to me means “We are rising. Ethiopia is rising! Higher and Higher…”…

We [Ethiopians]  are growing  [rising]
Growing [rising] higher and higher
We are growing [rising]
Growing [rising] higher and higher…

Hear the children, hear the children
They are talking to you
Hear the [peace] wind blow, hear the [peace] wind blow
It is blowing for you [and for me]…

Ethiopia’s best days are yet to come.

Let Ethiopia rise and shine like the sun over the African continent!

HEAR THE PEACE WIND BLOW IN ETHIOPIA! HEAR YOUR CHILDREN TALKING TO YOU…

The post The Invisible Hands Trying to Turn Back the Hands of Time in Ethiopia appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News & Breaking News: Your right to know!.

September 24/2018
By Haile-Gebriel Endeshaw

The deliberate way of belittling Ethiopia from within by certain narrow racist groups has created a bleeding sore in our minds. This has caused, among other things, misunderstandings, conflicts and displacements being observed in various parts of the country. Apart from this, our vindictive leaders shamefully gave us names. They called us braggart and narrow-minded. They herded us in a blind alley. In general, they made us lose hope in everything. Due to this unjust system of governance, many citizens have been forced in to dire poverty, beggary and prostitution. Thanks to the poorly managed economic system, there are now far more street children than ever before. All these things have been done in an organized manner for the last 27 years.

Shame on us that we have systematically been made to pick quarrel among ourselves whereupon we could trap ourselves in to pitfalls set up by the enemies of this country. This way we put dividing fences among us. We were fooled by vindictive leaders to kill one another for irrelevant causes. We were put in a system that made us cause irreparable damages to our national interest.

Listen up guys to my tale of woe! Thanks to those unkind individuals who claim to lead us in to chaos without any sense of shame. These leaders, who failed to live up to public expectations, moved very far to the brink of giving away wantonly our own legal sea port. Having done this, they tried to convince us maliciously that we could do port businesses with any neighbouring countries. Then after, we were told, to our surprise, that port owners could use their seaports to water their camels! Now we are forced to peel out birr two million per day from our national coffer for port related businesses. Cry my beloved country! Cry bitterly! We were stabbed from the back by our merciless leaders who took mischievous initiative to grant large part our own territory on silver dish to the neighbouring country. Our government made fun of us, its own innocent people. Shame on that regime!

This is our government that did things behind curtain for the mere reason of benefiting certain ethnic group. This was the leadership that dared to save its hide by blackmailing, kidnapping, imprisoning and murdering its own innocent citizens. Woe is me!

Our authorities were so cruel that they could not show a fraction of sympathy to our compatriots who were flogged, tortured, chased out of the country and killed like stray dogs. Our government did not give a damn to the grave situations encountered by many innocent Ethiopians in overseas countries. It is disgraceful that innocent Ethiopians who were slaughtered to death in the deserts of Libya were not sympathised in a proper manner by their own government. This way our government failed to shoulder its responsibilities and showed negligence to its own citizens.

It is a big shame to witness that our own government facilitated ways in which billions of dollars have been embezzled by party members. It is a real shame to plunder money collected from the poor who lead life from hand to mouth. How can one believe that certain individuals got together to steal over 16 billion birr from a national grand dam project? How can individuals who assumed power steal money that was deposited in a bank by poor mothers who sells cow dungs… the money that was put aside by elderly people who stay vigilant overnight watching offices… the money saved by such citizens who push on life of grinding poverty? Our defunct leaders were so dishonest and pitiless that they could steal money in an organized way from the wallet of the down trodden poor citizens. Shame on them! … Woe is me!

Let alone ones’ own government, an invading force does not do such brutality. Our history testifies that the invading Italian force was witnessed to build roads and import vehicles including heavy-duty trucks… This is not to mean that the invading force was a sacred agent sent by the Almighty God. Really, I feel ashamed of myself to compare the works of an invading force to the organized theft in this country of ours. I am embarrassed to speak of my own government playing pivotal roles in doing or encouraging robbery of huge bread-baking machines, electric power generators and raw minerals from defenceless regions of this country.

Shame on them that our leaders at the top governance hierarchy incarcerated our genuine politicians! They sacked our best academicians from universities and other higher learning institutions. Many egocentric scholars have also played decisive roles to the long existence of that ethnic-based, despot, burglar and inefficient government. I am ashamed to say that this was our government that strangled the young generation to death with a crooked education policy. What a woeful cruelty!

Cry my beloved country that you have long been fatally pierced by your children, the black sheep of the family. We witnessed that most of professional hiring for various vacancies was deliberately done to the best advantages of certain ethnic group. Shame on earth! This happened in our Ethiopia. Shame on those who have been involved in orchestrating these devilish accomplishments. Woe that befell my beloved country.

****

All said. It gives a genuine relief to exhale this bad air altogether. Now here we are facing with a different scene. It seems the by gone is long-gone. Having embarked on the threshold of the new era, we peace-loving people of this country have started pushing on life of inclusiveness and forgiveness. We are thus on the ready to correct such messy situations. Down with messy situations!

****

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G. Teressa, For Addis Standard 

Addis Abeba, September 25/2018 – The power relationship within the four-member ruling coalition party—the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF)-which has ruled Ethiopia autocratically for 27 years, has been irreversibly changed. The Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) is no longer the kingmaker after suffering an ignominious defeat by the tactical alliance between the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO) and the Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM). The fourth member of the coalition, the Southern Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement (SEPDM), has largely been an inconsequential partner, unable to affect national politics, and remains a junior partner.

At the end of several months of internal power struggle, Abiy Ahmed emerged as the EPRDF party chairman on 27 March 2018, and on 2 April 2018, he was sworn in as the prime minister of a country on the brink of a major catastrophe. He immediately shocked the entire Horn of Africa region by undertaking astonishing reforms with breathtaking speed. His accomplishments and leadership style have earned him comparisons with Barack Obama, Mikhail Gorbachev, Justin Trudeau, and even Nelson Mandela.

However, beneath the optimism and euphoria sweeping the country, there are brewing concerns calling for attention. A confluence of several factors could potentially threaten the democratic transition of Ethiopia and could, perhaps, lead to a major political and security crisis. In this article, I will discuss four major factors that have the potential to collide, explode and stall Ethiopia’s transition to democracy. Absence of a structured transitional roadmap; uncertain roles for opposition politicians and activists in the democratic transition; empowered population with un-managed expectations; and counterrevolutionary forces

Absence of a structured transitional roadmap

Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed introduced unprecedented reforms soon after coming to power: the state of emergency was lifted two months before it was set to expire; prominent opposition leaders and journalists were released from prison; the infamous detention center, Maekelawi Prison, closed down; exiled dissidents and banned media outlets returned to Ethiopia; individuals and organizations charged with “terrorism” under the draconian Anti-Terrorism Proclamation have been granted amnesty; nearly two decades of hostility between Ethiopia and Eritrea have ended; and over 264 banned websites and blogs have been unblocked. He did all of this by preaching love, unity, and forgiveness, which resonated with many Ethiopians. He uplifted the spirit of Ethiopians and gave them a reason to feel optimistic about the prospect of peace, democracy, and reconciliation.

Despite these accomplishments, PM Abiy’s government faces a staggering number of demands and appeals for overnight reforms at the local, regional and national levels. There are widely divergent views among Ethiopians on what they believe should be the priorities and specific tasks of Abiy’s government. Most importantly, conflicting views exist on how to engage and then integrate the overwhelming number of opposition political parties during this transitional period. It’s now clear that simply undertaking reforms without presenting to the public a structured transitional agenda is not sufficient to streamline expectations. Elements of a transitional agenda only come to light in bits and pieces. Confusions, uncertainties, and speculations can be avoided by unveiling a structured transitional roadmap that communicates to the public and stakeholders a time-bound and specific transitional agenda. The roadmap must focus on addressing the immediate emergency situation, creating secure and stable conditions to ensure the rights of all citizens, and allowing the stakeholders’ reasonable participation in reforming institutions and paving the way for a free and fair election. This transitional period is a critical time to produce a transitional pact with major stakeholders and lay the foundation for a reasonably stable constitutional democracy, institutionalized through free and fair elections. The reluctance to unveil a structured transitional agenda may be symptomatic of an unfinished debate within the post “revolutionary democracy” EPRDF. As the euphoria around reform begins to wane, and the country still lacks a deliberated and publicly disclosed structured transitional roadmap—one that explains the roles of multiple stakeholders and that manages public expectations—the door has been left open for counterrevolutionary forces, principally, among others, elements within TPLF, disgruntled party apparatchiks,  and plain criminals to derail the democratic transition.

Uncertainty about the roles of opposition politicians and activists in the democratic transition

In his inaugural speech PM Abiy stressed his plan to widen the democratic space. He followed through his promise by undertaking remarkable confidence-building steps. Opposition politicians that were completely denied any role in their country’s affair saw a real possibility of claiming space and a role in Ethiopian politics. Many jailed domestic politicians, including top leaders of the Oromo Federalist Congress, were suddenly released and were received by a rapturous crowd—a scene that was completely unfamiliar to them. Likewise, similar receptions were bestowed upon exiled politicians and activists who flocked into the capital Addis Abeba (Finfinne) with the hope of participating in the transitional process. However, the lack of a structured transitional roadmap has left these groups uncertain about their specific roles; they have been left to engage in sporadic and disjointed activities that are not focused on the immediate tasks of the transitional process. Some are beginning to squabble over the transitional agenda, as they have largely envisioned the transition through the lens of maximizing their own (group) space and role in the government. Some politicians and activists have called for the immediate establishment of a transitional government—these groups advocate for a radical transition, regardless of all the chaos it may entail—and others advocate for a smooth and orderly transition to a representative government in the 2020 election.

The nature of Ethiopia’s competing political parties is troubling for the democratization process; there are approximately 70 political parties, some with similar or overlapping political platforms. This proliferation of political parties is a result of Ethiopia’s political culture, which centers on not just political ideologies but personalities as well as ethnonational or regional identities. The emergence of ethnonational parties in the last three to five decades is a direct result of the history of ethnic marginalization and besiegement, as the Ethiopian state promoted its homogenization agenda at the expense of linguistic and cultural diversity. Centralist parties purporting to promote a pan-Ethiopian platform are often in a collision course with ethnonational groups. The former tend to be dismissive, even disdainful, of ethnonational grievances; they only provide vacuous acknowledgement to linguistic and cultural equality, which is quickly dismissed as political chicanery by ethnonational groups. The centralists fervently propagate their absolutist, mystical, and fundamentalist belief in the superiority of Ethiopian centralism and in the legitimacy of a centralized state to stamp out any identity-based institutions. Despite their anachronistic agenda and organizational incoherence, the centralists wield enormous economic and bureaucratic power, which makes them relevant in the major urban centers.

In the absence of an established democratic institutions or a uniform democratic culture, competing political groups are becoming increasingly nervous about getting the short end of the stick at the end of the transitional process. Therefore, hostilities can further deepen if the competing political groups and activists do not engage with one another and with the government in good faith, with the utmost sense of responsibility, and with the willingness to compromise.  These forces must hold dialogue to manage or bridge the cleavage existing between them. Under the current situation, Prime Minister Abiy faces the arduous task of creating equitable space and roles for these numerous political parties, some with a vision for Ethiopia that’s difficult to reconcile with the country’s current push toward multinational democracy. If not skillfully managed by the Abiy administration, and most importantly by the opposition politicians and activists alike, the suddenly widened democratic space will turn into a combustible field of interparty and ethnonational conflict. Furthermore, if the opposition politicians do not engage in the transition process in a meaningful way—especially on reforming key institutions that could pave the way for free and fair elections—they may turn hostile toward Abiy’s government, and, eventually, the parties and/or their bases may adopt disruptive strategies.

Just like organized political groups, activists are also vying for a space and a role in the transitional process. Dr. Abiy’s government and the Ethiopian public seem to give significant importance to activists, as much as (probably more than) political groups—this is despite the fundamental distinctions between activists and politicians with respect to the level of commitment and sense of responsibility inherent to their respective roles. In Ethiopia today, there’s an accepted blurring of boundaries and overlapping of roles between activists and politicians. Both influence debates and mobilize the public equally, and, sometimes, activists overshadow politicians to the point of rendering them invisible actors. Therefore, knowing the influence activists have in Ethiopian politics, it’s important that activists, just like political actors, responsibly handle the apparent success of their last 2 years of nonviolent struggle in order to consummate the democratic transition. Responsible and realist activism must be encouraged, as it is vital to push the transitional process past a democratization threshold.

Empowered Population with un-managed expectations

The Ethiopian population that felt powerless for the last 27 years of TPLF dominated EPRDF rule is now feeling significantly more empowered, thanks to a relatively enhanced freedom brought about by nearly four years of persistent nonviolent struggle. Since the population is no longer ruled by the rule of gun, stability and consolidation of power by the new leadership will depend on satisfying the public expectations concerning political, security, social, and economic agendas. PM Abiy inherited a complex country at the verge of economic and social collapse, and a population with wide range of grievances that had accrued over decades. Therefore, a crucial element of a smooth and successful democratic transition includes managing public expectations by clearly outlining reasonable and achievable goals in the context of the transitional time frame. Without this management, myriads of public grievances can be manipulated by counterrevolutionary forces and demagogues, or the public can be unknowingly led astray by impatient opposition politicians and activists who have limited (or no) experience about the complexities of governing.

The nonviolent struggle that brought the current change was rather fragmented; it manifested mostly in regions with a sizable homogeneous population, such as Oromia and Amhara. With the relatively enhanced freedom now, other regions and different sectors have been mobilizing themselves to voice their specific local or regional grievances. In some instances, local and regional grievances emanate from asymmetric democratization and asynchronous political openings in different regions of Ethiopia. This situation has created a conducive environment for counterrevolutionary forces to instigate violence, which often takes the form of inter-communal conflict. This problem can be partially stemmed by managing citizens’ expectations by clearly and publicly articulating a structured transitional agenda prioritizing the safety and security of the citizens.

Counterrevolutionary Forces

The confluence of the above factors with subversive counterrevolutionary movements is seen erupting in the form of worsening security and administrative breakdown, which could derail the democratic transition. The public statements of some TPLF high-ranking officials and TPLF’s own statement after its two days of emergency meeting in Mekelle unwittingly revealed the party’s mal-intent in promoting violence in various parts of the country. Given the current organizational weakness of TPLF, it is inconceivable that any amount of subversive counterrevolutionary activity will bring the party back to dominance. The overall goal of the subversive activities is, therefore, to stop the democratic transition and make the country difficult to govern. Their actions are simply designed to fulfill their prophecy that Ethiopia will disintegrate without their dominance—to vindicate the legacy of TPLF’s “revolutionary democracy” and developmental state model. Therefore, the subversive action of TPLF elements is an act of vengeance more than a hope to return to power. Sooner or later, this plan will likely backfire on them from their own constituency in the Tigray region, and they will be compelled to reform and conform to the ongoing transition. The aspiration of the Tigrians is no different from the rest of Ethiopians. It must be underlined that a new counterrevolution can find roots among one or more of the opposition parties who may fear a precarious future in a free and fair election at the end of the transitional period. Regardless of where the counterrevolution comes from, its impact on the democratization process can be minimized or eliminated by unveiling a well-structured transitional process, where all stakeholders and the public are brought on the same page.

Navigating the uncharted territory

The ‘election’ of Dr. Abiy Ahmed as the prime minister of Ethiopia has introduced unprecedented reforms, including the unfettered opening of democratic space. Some of the reforms were unexpected and eyebrow-raising, and nearly all of the reforms were accomplished in the absence of a clearly articulated and negotiated transitional roadmap and without the participation of all stakeholders. Although there is a general public approval of most of the reforms already undertaken, the lack of a structured transitional governance roadmap has failed to frame the public’s expectations and has left politicians and activists uncertain about their specific roles. Stability and successful democratic transition are likely to be achieved by unveiling a structured roadmap, which communicates the government’s step-by-step and time-bound transitional agenda predicated on reasonable and achievable goals, and allows the reasonable participation of key stakeholders. PM Abiy has had the unique fortune of accumulating a tremendous amount of political capital in a short period of time, but without framing the transnational agenda that will manage the public’s expectations and outline the rules of engagement of political parties, the democratic transition may face perilous challenges. Transition from authoritarian rule to democracy is not an “on-and-off” switch; it’s an inherently  turbulent time. Understanding this inherent shortcoming, the country’s politicians, activists, and the general public must continue supporting the transitional process by responsibly treading across the uncharted territory of this post-autocratic construction. Any fair appraisal of PM Abiy’s performance will undoubtedly capture his dynamic and unique style of leadership that has the potential to transform not only Ethiopia but the Horn of Africa region and beyond. Given Ethiopia’s important geopolitical importance, the international community must support Ethiopia’s transition. Ethiopia cannot afford to squander yet another opportunity for a democratic transition.

AS

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by Engidu Woldie
ESAT News (September 25, 2018)

A statement today by Oromo political fronts labeling other groups as enemies of the people of Oromo and claiming exclusive rights to places like Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa was reckless and destructive to Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s all inclusive political reform process, says a researcher and writer on Ethiopian politics.

“The statement by the group of Oromo political parties today in Addis Ababa goes against the cultural values of the people of Oromo, which welcome and embrace others regardless of their ethnic origin. It goes against the core cultural attributes of the Oromo,” says Geletaw Zeleke, Secretary for the Ethiopian Research and Policy Institute with the Ethiopian Dialogue Forum.

The statement given on Tuesday by five Oromo political groups has drawn criticism for wildly accusing and labeling other political groups and independent media.

The statement was given by five Oromo parties and fronts namely the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), the United Oromo Liberation Front, Oromo Liberation Unity Front and the Oromo Democratic Front (ODF). All, with the exception of the OFC, have just returned to Ethiopia from exile following a call by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed to all opposition parties to come home and take part in peaceful political process, a call he made as part of his all inclusive political reform efforts.

The statement accused that Oromos and properties that belonged to the Oromos were targeted in the recent violence in the capital Addis Ababa.

“But these groups in their statement did not mention or feel remorse for the death of dozens of people in recent ethnic motivated attacks in Addis Ababa and its environs,” Zeleke said and added “the statement was irresponsible as it could possibly incites further violence.”

Several reports show dozens were killed in the days before and after the welcoming rally in Addis Ababa on September 15, 2018 for the return of the OLF and its soldiers from their base in Eritrea. In Burayu alone, 12 miles outside the capital, 23 people, mainly belonging to the Dorze minority ethnic groups, were killed in cold blood. The capital’s police commissioner said yesterday that additional 28 people were killed in a number of other districts in the capital following the rally to welcome the OLF.

The victims told several media outlets that the perpetrators, who claimed to be Oromos, were threatening them to leave the area saying the land belongs only to the Oromos. The perpetrators used stones, knives and sticks for their killing spree, according to the residents of Burayu. About 15,000 residents of the town, mainly the Dorzes have been displaced from their homes and sheltered in schools. Authorities said most have returned home.

The statement by the Oromo groups failed to mention the plight of these citizens and engage in attacking other political groups as well as the media, including the Ethiopian Satellite Radio and Television (ESAT.)

Critics say the statement by the group was all the more insincere as some of the leaders of these Oromo groups have actually used ESAT and similar independent media to push their political agenda while in exile.

“ESAT has been the voice and platform for the Oromo people, including politicians like Bekele Gerba, who issued today’s statement . No other media has covered the Oromo protest movement like ESAT,” said Mr. Zeleke.

Zeleke, meanwhile, said the ethnic federal arrangement that the groups vowed to defend did not actually benefit the Oromo people. “While federalism is open for discussion and debate in tomorrow’s Ethiopia, the statement by the group that says the federal arrangement was the only way to go and that they would defend it as a life and death issue to the Oromo people was totally thoughtless.”

The statement by the groups that says Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa, which they call ‘Finfinne,’ belong only to the Oromos, was an outrageous claim, Zeleke said adding, “even the name ‘Finfinne’ was unconstitutional as the law of the land recognizes the capital of Ethiopia as Addis Ababa.”

The statement by the group also go against Oromo core cultural values, Zeleke said.

“The Oromos are known to respectfully attract others to their culture and embrace people from other ethnic groups. ‘Mitecha’ and ‘Mogasa’ are values that embrace others. The Oromos have even introduced ‘Gudifecha’ (adoption) to the rest of the world. The Oromos don’t exclude others and the statement by the group go against theses core values of the Oromo people.”

The New York Times reported in its yesterday’s issue, quoting experts that the return of ethnic groups like OLF was not a good idea for Ethiopia’s political reforms spearheaded by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. It suffocates the political space, exacerbates ethnic tensions and violence, the report said. (EW)

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In spiritualism ‘channeling’ is when one allows his body to be used by the ghost of the dead to speak to the living. I witnessed Oromo leaders with the honorable Bekele Gerba as the spokesperson being used by the dead tyrant to speak to us. It was a sad spectacle of a press conference that demeaned all what we fought for and won. I don’t know about you but I felt shame engulf my body, anger boil my blood and rage stir my soul. Bekele Gerba and company, I am done with you. You and your friends’ way of thinking is what we just wiped away from the face of Ethiopia. We are trying to recover from a bad influenza and here they come to tell us the virus is not dead yet. Pass me the antibiotic please.

We know we got problems. We also know Woyane thinking is not something that will be erased so fast and easy. We are aware that we beat a mother of a disaster by sidelining Woyane without a long and protracted struggle. By all standards, we are one lucky people. Future Political scientists will pour over the events and hopefully come up with an explanation. Today no matter what people claim the demise of Woyane in a silent manner is a Godsend good luck for our country and people. We believe.

The last four months while we are celebrating freedom and hope there were many from the old regime undermining our effort. That is to be expected. It does not require much intelligence to figure that out. Sure enough we have witnessed ethnic based conflicts in all four corners of our land. The PM has been dealing with the problems as they arose and he seems to know what he is doing under the circumstances. Well meaning Ethiopians wish him luck.

It is at this important point in the life of our country that our three Oromo ‘leaders’ showed up to act victim, complain, threaten and defame the rest of us. Ato Bekele spoke on five issues. The existential threat to “Oromos’ as people, the ‘issue’  about Finfine, unity with Amharas, current affairs and Federalism. I am sorry to say Ato Bekele Gerba and his friends do not seem to have thought much about what they just said in public. It left many of us stunned. We deserve better articulation regarding our current problem and we abhor fuzzy language to cover ignorance.

That is why I claimed the group was ‘channeling ‘ Meles Zenawi. The double talk about loving and working with other ethnic groups was there, the doomsday scenario where our country’s reverts to civil war is shouted out loud and the claim to be the forefront of the struggle was displayed without shame. Just like good old Woyane crap other Ethiopians are portrayed as ‘enemies’ and a simple disagreement on policy is viewed as an existential threat. Sad to say all this wisdom is lifted from Woyane playbook. You know who was laughing their ass off in their Mekele hideout. Some people make Woyane proud.

It is not difficult to go through his concerns and prove them to be self serving, wrong and not worthy of ‘seasoned’ politicians that purport to represent their people. I consider that effort to be a waste of time and energy that we dearly need to figure out which of the many problems being faced by our people today we should focus on. Good governance, food for our starving, medicine for our sick, school for our children, jobs for our young people are issues we need to focus on. China, US, France are in Djibouti, Iran and the Arabs are hovering in the Red Sea and Somalia is still in turmoil is what our politicians should discuss. We have achieved peace with Eritrea but we need to work on the details of the relationship to avoid future misunderstanding. The EPRDF is discussing the sale of assets, which needs the participation of all Ethiopians in general and experts in the field in particular to lay a solid foundation.

Our association with Woyane and their underlings has given us the ability to spot lazy politics. That is what our so-called Oromo leaders are trying to play. They are not sure of their ideas, they have not figured out where they want to go, they do not have a well thought of plan for the future thus they pull out the ‘ethnic’ card to build their feeble foundation for tomorrow. That is a strange card to play is what any rational person would say. Didn’t we see this game played? Didn’t we witness the total blow out? It is deja vu time Ethiopians. Another simpleton has showed up to claim the trophy of the ‘clueless Ethiopian’. We have a few Meles II in the making.

The question, quoting the dear departed leader ‘we have given you a problem for the next hundred years’ coming true? I don’t think so. PM Abiy and Lemma Megersa with Gedlu and Demeke have already put that fiction to rest. They buried it deep and stomped on it too. Their experience with Woyane thought them bigger is better. Ethiopians all over the world agreed with them. The last four months the happiness quotient has reached an all time high thanks to the absence of Woyane garbage fouling the country. Dear Bekele, dear others on the table – how many people do you think will agree with your definition of Ethiopia and how many people will come out to show you love if you took a tour with that program at hand?

The speaker claimed ‘Finfine’ was ‘the ‘center of religious, economic political’ activity of the Gulele/yeka people and it was forcefully acquired. We are speaking of what happened over a hundred years ago you realize. I am glad he kindly allowed the residents to stay at his good will. There is no guarantee the next OLF will not evict. Once ownership is asserted the next thing he wants is a name change.  It seems to be very dear and close to his heart. We have seen this theatre before. If you remember dangling ‘Finfine’ was a favorite toy of the late dictator. In the aftermath of the 2005 elections he brought it out to create division. It is sad that Ato Bekele and company are again channeling the evil warlord. It looks like they are not even capable of coming up with an original issue they can stamp their name on? Finfine/Addis is a non-issue, give it a rest.

The press conference was a brutal attack on ESAT. I must admit that threw me back, One can condemn ESAT on many points but never about being a ‘Nation wrecker’. Shame on you Bekele Gerba. If it were not for ESAT no one would know your name. You seem to have forgotten thousands of brave Ethiopians went to jail for opposing tyranny, you just happen to be the lucky one plucked out as a symbol. So you think you are special sir? If so, you have allowed your ego to dominate your being. You were one of many. If you want to rise up to the top may I suggest you find a common ground to unite instead of a small corner to be king of.

The speaker described ESAT as standing for cheap scam to build political and economic power. Where is your proof? No one has gotten rich of ESAT or become a political leader, so the well thought of uttering is false, without warrant and defamatory. The question is why? Surely we all disagree with some of the analysis but isn’t it a stretch to call someone a terrorist because of a difference of opinion? Do those folks sitting beside Ato Bekele believe in this belligerent pose and negative politics? Is the idea to promote OMN by disparaging ESAT? That is another example of lazy politics just like ethnic politics.

Ato Bekele said those that are afraid of competing in an election are calling for a ‘transitional government’ as a shortcut to power. Again we have heard that before. Woyane used to turn every discussion into an attempt for power grab. Instead of presenting his winning idea he choose to demean and label others legitimate question. Actually his group is the one afraid of being overshadowed by the unity side. The cry for Woyane Federalism based on language and arbitrary lines is to hide behind ethnic alliance instead of national consensus. They are trying to deflect that charge hiding behind the discredited Woyane Constitution.

There is one thing we Ethiopians agree on. The language-based ethnic Bantustan built by Woyane has to be fine tuned in our image. The problem we are facing today with conflicts in every corner is testimonial to the failure of that arrangement. The fact that Ato Bekele and company are still trying to follow the same dead end road is very alarming and not a good sign about the guiding principle and mindset of the group on the stage.

The press release is a lost golden opportunity to be recognized as one of the new leaders ready to guide our poor abused nation to a better future. It failed miserably. Instead of hope it sowed fear, uncertainty and sent unnecessary alarm. If the group was trying to disrupt, they did and in a negative manner too. A lot can be said about OLF and its forty years of immaturity. I am sure our Oromo cousins will look closely at this organization and demand accounting for the many years of acting as a side show instead of leading. May be Ato Lemma’s trip to Asmara and the respect accorded to the group went into the head of the leaders. Whatever it is, it must be understood leadership comes with responsibilities. Please act it.

Our country is in a very precarious situation with Woyane still controlling major organs of the state and unlimited supply of money stashed everywhere in the country. For twenty-seven years they have built our country in their own image of vagabondism, lack of integrity and complete absence of the rule of law. We have managed to corral the kingpins into a restricted zone but the many sycophants and confused underlings are still with us. The Keble captains, the police chiefs, the judges and court system is still staffed by Woyane trained officials. We all know it was OPDO, ANDM and other cadres that were doing the dirty job for Woyane. They are still with us. The PM and his team are trying their best to project confidence but we all know better.

The press release by the group plays into Woyanes hands. It does not help the cause of reconciliation and good will that is being preached by Dr. Abiy. It makes him look weak and makes observers question the depth of his acceptance in the Oromo community. Ato Bekele Gerba’s attempt to align himself with’ Kero’ is a little pathetic and his use of the mass movement as a personal weapon to intimidate is not acceptable.

The society we are building on the ashes of Woyane is open to any Ethiopian to organize and advocate for the cause they believe. The government has encouraged all opposition to come and contribute in a positive manner. There are plenty that believe organizing on ethnic lines to be the wave of the past. But I have not heard anyone advocating a ban. The attitude seems to be if you think that is a winning strategy go right ahead and knock yourself out. The only issue we care not to compromise about is the ability to organize in any part of Ethiopia without fear and full freedom. Let the citizen decide whom he wants as representative.

OPDO has purged itself of those not ready for the new challenge including the name of the organization. That is a positive development. AG7 is in the process of discussing with members and allies regarding the formation of a political party. Like anything AG7 puts its mind and effort into it is being done in a very deliberate manner. It is a very important document that will come out to serve as a guiding principle for years to come. We should urge all political minded organizations to be involved and assume ownership of our future.

As part of the Diaspora I am proud of the many supportive role we played to be voice of the voiceless. Don’t worry I am not trying to claim to have liberated you but you know the urge is there. We are proud to have sent some of our best and brightest to help with the transition from slavery to freedom. We are touched by the enthusiastic welcome accorded to our freedom fighters. It is good to be recognized and appreciated. I am afraid we have also to take responsibility for some of our returnees shall I say ‘unhelpful’ comments and ‘unwise’ talk that has offended our people. It is not something to cry the sky is falling about since we are hopeful things will sort themselves out through experience. Of Course we urge and hope folks will learn faster consequences of loose talk and unplanned action. We will keep hope alive.

Let us remember what the late senator John McCain wrote in his last message to his people, it said  “We are citizens of a republic made of shared ideals forged in a new world to replace the tribal enmities that tormented the old one,” Tribalism in a different form is still alive and well in the USA. Ours is not unique.

The post Channeling Meles the Bekele way. By Yilma Bekele appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News & Breaking News: Your right to know!.

By Solomon Hailemariam

In this short article, I would like to write about the Burayu incident which I want to label a “national tragedy” and discuss how the media could handle the occurrence and the joint communiqué issued by Oromo Opposition Parties.

Mass killings and atrocities did not end with the1974 Ethiopian revolution, or in 1991 when the TPLF seize power, or in 2018 in Ethiopia. Around the world there have been terrible events, as we all know, and no continent has been immune from large-scale killings in which great numbers of individuals have been targeted and killed because they happen to be a member of a particular group – racial, religious, ethnic, political and so on. Each situation is different, to be understood in its own context.

As a media professional, I have been closely observing what is happening in Ethiopia. Like other Ethiopians, I am hoping and wishing that the new change will bring a lasting solution for age-old challenges: economic backwardness, lack of education, poverty, prejudice, disease and political instability.

What happened in Burayu has crushed my spirit. By any standard, it was unacceptable. People in Ethiopia have expressed their sadness, despair and sorrow in one way or the other. Now, we should take the opportunity to reject outright placing the blame on a particular family or ethnic group, and to unequivocally denounce the cruelty of the event.

This does not mean that we believe that people are blameless. We need to remember the Christian teaching of a woman who had been caught in adultery. When they kept on questioning Jesus, he straightened up and said to them, “Let any one of you who is without sin be the first to throw a stone at her.” The world history in general and Ethiopian history in particular can teach us how human beings can be as barbaric as they were in Burayu. Make no mistake, I am not defending the perpetrators by any means, I am trying to condemn linking the atrocity to a particular group or ethnic origin.

Anyone who is not well educated, well nurtured, who barely survives, who is desperate, who has no work to do, who was brought up in a dysfunctional family may be manipulated easily and can cause trouble. The people who carried out the atrocity in Burayu may be labelled in any one of the categories. I do expect the full force of the law will be applied against the perpetrators. It is more than hope but an expectation that the perpetrators will be identified sooner or later and will be prosecuted.

Those of us who claim to be educated should reflect on an appropriate response instead of trying to distance ourselves from the act or make the knee-jerk reaction: “The crime committed was by x or y ethnic group, therefore they are barbaric”. It is a very hasty generalization and very dangerous. It is risky because it can trigger instant violence in the country. The minute group of perpetrators does not and cannot represent Kero (The Youth) or the Oromo people. In the same way, the Nazis did not represent the German people in general or Mussolini’s National Fascist Party the general Italian people. The particular incidents in Burayu or Shshemene have nothing to do with the Oromo people in general or Kero(The Youth) in particular. The Oromo people are like any other peace-loving society in Ethiopia, as are the youth (Kero) in Oromia. Trying to create animosity between or among ethic people does not help anyone, rather it perpetuates our misery.

Kero is nothing but the youth in Oromia who have been brave enough to face state terrorism, who faced live ammunition with unarmed, who victoriously brought the wind of change to Ethiopia with their blood and sweat. No one can undermine the sacrifices made by Kero for the current political change. By the same token, no one can deny the long fight waged by journalists, civil society operatives, politicians, intellectuals, religious leaders and oppositions parties as well. Zerma and Fano cannot be forgotten at all.

Giving unnecessary credit to one or the other is equally unhelpful.

There are many stakeholders for the current change. Trying to give the award to one particular group doesn’t make sense at all. How can we forget the youth who died during the red and white terrors? How can we forget the 1993 massacre of Addis Ababa University students who faced the TPLF led regime when UN Secretary General Boutros-Ghali came to Ethiopia? Since the 1974 Ethiopia revolution and before how many people have been killed, imprisoned, tortured and dismembered in Ethiopia to bring liberty and democracy to the country? Our history is full of hatred and animosity, our history is full of cynicism and disrespect. This must change and it is up to us, the elite, and every one who can bring change; we don’t need to wait in the expectation that someone will do it for us.

It is to close this sad chapter and write a new history that we welcome wholeheartedly the new Ethiopian Prime Minister, Dr. Abiy Ahmed not to return to the age-old hate and animosity. It is true, such a long-lasting political culture can’t evaporate over 6 month or even over two or three years for that matter. But, those of us who read and write, those of us who can influence many, those of us who have access to the media have a huge responsibility to work hard against returning back to old habits. In a way, we are conducting a unique and peaceful revolution spearheaded by Dr. Abiy and team Lema, to bring respect and reconciliation to our society.

Many people considered OMN and ESAT independent media organizations but professionals have doubted this as their objectives have been dubious. Their sources of funding are not clear either. Whatever the situation, these two media organizations have played a vital role in bringing about the current change in Ethiopia; however, after the change, their role should be redefined and their source of funding should be transparent. If they would like to serve as a Public Service Broadcasting company, then they should strictly follow professional journalism modus operandi. Their editorial policy, source of funding and ethical guide lines should be made public. In a democratic society, the media cannot or should not be considered an enemy. If a journalist or a particular news item offended us, then we can use legal avenues rather than engaging in a smear or propaganda campaign and hate towards a particular media group.

OMN and ESAT governing boards, if they have one, should scrutinize the existing editorial policy and whether the journalists there are following the policy. Ethiopia needs more independent media and more professional journalism. We should not discourage the scant media organizations we have. We should identify bad journalism and distinguish it from media organizations.

The Oromo opposition parties’ statement with regard to the Burayo national tragedy was an over-reaction and some have called it “irresponsible”. Nobody wants to be associated with wrong doings. Some people would like to blame the Oromo in general instead of singling out the wrong doers and perpetrators. This is equally irresponsible.

Those people who committed the atrocity could be from any ethnic groups. Blaming an entire people for the incident doesn’t make sense and it is not rational at all. However, irritated by such blame, creating another irritation doesn’t help either. The particular statement about Addis Ababa, and blaming ESAT was, in my opinion, wrong.

The land on which New York, Washington, Toronto and many other major cities in the North America are built originally belonged to the First Nations before the arrival of settlers but this doesn’t mean that the new settlers in New York or Toronto do not choose their own mayor or their own political representatives. I know many people may disagree with my analogy but I beg you to take it as an extreme example. Can we impose on the New Yorker or Torontonians that they should follow the indigenous culture? Can we force them to speak the indigenous language? Cities have their own spirit and culture. We need to think deeply and think to create harmony instead of tension.

I do understand the economic need of the Oromo people living around Addis Ababa City. One of the arguments is that garbage has been dumped in the surrounding Oromo satellite cities. Another issue voiced by Oromo elites has been the displacement of Oromo farmers from the surrounding cities. These and many other issues can be discussed and solved by matured politicians rather than creating unnecessary tension between people who have been living in Addis Ababa for over 120 years. The major reason why the Ethiopian people are yearning for democracy is to solve such huge age- old problems in Addis Ababa peacefully and to address other political issues like the Raya and Wolkait problems. Democracy, I hope, will give us a chance to solve such problems to the relative satisfaction of all stake holders. Democracy will give a chance for everyone to have a say and to decide by vote. We don’t need to hate each other, attack each other, we don’t need to kill each other to bring peace, stability, and democracy in the country. We need to sit down, try to understand the other point of view and ready to negotiate and come to a reasonable solution. As Dr. Abiy once mentioned that we can all be winners. Why would we want one to be a loser and the other winner? Why? We can all win and live in harmony. Please let us use reason and logic not just our feelings. Solutions to issues settled in a democratic manner will be long-lasting, I presume.

The write can be reached:solgosole@gmail.com

The post The Burayu national tragedy, the media and the Oromo oppositions reactions appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News & Breaking News: Your right to know!.

With the Evolution of social media, radical ethnic groups look to be intimidating the psychology of most concerned Ethiopians but centrist national politics is here to stay. The ideals are immortal.

Betemariam Hailu

Ethiopia’s political landscape has been through fundamental shakes in the past few months since the installation of Dr. Abiy as the country’s leader in April. And already the fight for the direction of the big old nation has intensified. If it is not going to end in blood as usual, it’s of course interesting to see. We hope these here & there horrific killings, displacements and social media based hate propaganda will not succeed. But Sadly, the debate on the future of the country is not led by well informed, educated people & political parties on the ground but mostly by unknown, masked people on Facebook. This is how we have fallen as a society.

I was tempted to write this piece after I saw a social media post by former Blue party Spokesman, Yonatan Tesfaye. I do not know Yonatan Tesfaye in details but he’s young and also became famous after spending years in jail for political activity. I believe he has some substance but many young politicians or activists like him masked or unmasked ride public opinions the right or the wrong way, knowingly or unknowingly. This is how Ethiopia’s politics is as complicated as it can be and also bloody.  In a September 15 post, Yonatan slams the citizenship politics camp by its ideals not by the people. Yonatan says he heard people making complains that some leaders weakened the so called unity camp. But he says he believed the so called unity camp was not weakened by these leaders but by its ideals. I do not know about Yonatan but I believe most people join politics with youthful emotions without preparations or thorough analysis may be for fame or for blame and when they felt the heat, they leave and act on the sidelines.

The debate is like the debate in America where they say the republican party is a white supremacist party and the democratic party is a pro-black party, when actually the party of  Abraham Lincoln ended slavery in a bloody civil war and its ideals were equality in those days while the democratic party was a pure KKK white supremacist party.  What changed sides is not even the civil rights act signed by a democrat in white house, it’s sweet liberalism! The democrats sold sweet liberalism to the black community, they told black women they don’t need their husbands because the government raises their kids. The strong black family unit broke apart never to recover. The sweet poison liberalism and economic dependency aborted the fulfillment of black liberation. The same is happening in Ethiopia. While the majority minority issue in America is not comparable to the diversity in Ethiopia, the scenarios and the dangerous influence of activists and social media is the same.

Until 1991, the Oromos were part of the centrist national Dergist politics in Ethiopia without Afaan Oromo. Oromo born men significantly influenced the literature, the music, the army & the Minilk palace. By 1991, after 17 years in the bushes, the Oromo separatist & Europe based activists had less than 2000 fighters in the Oromo liberation army (OLA) while the Wayyanes in the north were riding tens of thousands of armed men to the capital Addis Ababa. OLA only grew in numbers after recruiting desperate Mengistu Hailemariam troops. Oromos were stuck to Dergist Ethiopia. They used to say “Mengistachin Meta” or “Our dynasty is here”. The Derg killed the so called Amhara king, Amhara feudal lords, Amhara ruling class & Amhara patriarch. Many Dergist Oromo veterans attended the welcoming party of OLF chairman Dawud Ibsa at Masqal square in early September.

Leftist Oromo scholars thought Mengistu Hailemariam the basics of Marxism. Oromos significantly were much happier of with a Marxist-Lennist socialist Ethiopia of Derg ( pretty much everybody lol). Things only changed in 1991. ethnically organized TPLF became the new dictator and ethnically organized Eritrean rebels managed to secede from Ethiopia. Thats when the Oromo politics was pushed to the periphery. As the country was on the hands of radical & heavily armed Marxist-lennist ethnic-nationalist elite, the hope of a centrist multinational politics was shattered. Even worse, the All Amhara people organization was formed using the green yellow and red colors of Ethiopia by Pro. Asrat Woldeyes. The legendary physician died in a regime prison with a savage treatment. Following the events, two multinational parties emerged from the All Amhara peoples organization, namely the late Hailu shawol’s AEUP and Lidetu Ayalew’s EDP. This is how things got serious. Both parties call themselves multinational parties organized based on citizenship not ethnic lines. But the fact that they emerged from an Amhara organization did not help them get recognized as a multinational party. And their leading figures did not look multinational. They weren’t smart or creative enough to counter the propaganda.

CUDP was formed as a multinational, citizenship based opposition for the 2005 elections. With the cream of some elites from south Ethiopia, CUDP grew in power and despite a propaganda by the Melles Zenawi dictatorship & some radical Oromo groups as a reactionary ultra right Amhara party, the coalition won the elections in some known figures even in most non Amhara parts of the country. The election was openly rigged & the leaders were thrown to jail. This was the time big lessons were learned.

Lesson One: Despite the propaganda, the ideals won. Yes most leaders of the group were amharic speaking but the group won because of the ideals not the people on top.

Lesson Two: The crackdown on the group by the Melles Zenawi dictatorship and the lack of sympathy from the radical ethnic political groups in the opposition was a lesson for some heirs of CUDP like Dr. Berhanu Nega and Andargachew Tsige. These two men came to the front after the fall of CUDP. Now there was an internal battle inside the so called unity camp to play the same way CUDP played and fall like CUDP fell or be considerate & understanding toward the radical ethnic elite and reach some kinda of consensus so that they will not be attacked from both sides. The attempt was honest and wise. Being considerate and less hostile to hardliner even secessionist ethnic elite was necessary as everybody concerned should have talked about the future of the country. Ethiopia is a common home.

Before the formation of Ginbot 7, AFD was formed with OLF and ONLF. Then ESAT TV was on air looking more Ethiopian than Amhara. Ginbot 7 tried every possible means to look more Ethiopian and inclusive. The Afaan Oromo radio program part of its shortwave radio. OLF, known as an evil force for most Amhara elite was presented almost as angel on ESAT and defended itself from the Baddano and Arbaggugu massacre. The then unknown Jawar mohamed was presented as a young, good Oromo boy. General Kamal Galchu, General Hailu, Dr. Nuro Dadafo,  Lencoo Bati and many other men who the 2005 Kinjit would feel uncomfortable with were presented as the new ethiopians. Afaan Oromo was promoted as the other federal language. Ginbot 7 and ESAT moved too far to the ethnic politics camp in an honest attempt to be more inclusive. Ginbot 7 emerged as far more liberal and inclusive group in the so called unity camp.

Now, here we are in 2018, after a decade since the fall of CUDP, some people believe citizenship politics is homeless & crawling on the back of some urban elite & some parts of Amhara in the north as the Ahmara itself is looking back to the days of AAPO with social media campaign and the formation of a hardliner Amhara group , NAMA.  This is how dark it looks for many activists who can not look out of their Facebook feed. Given Ethiopia’s nature & geographical status, citizenship based politics is here to stay and will never go away until we go out to an all out ethic civil war. As long as Ethiopia is safe, citizenship politics will boom again. The ideals are immortal.

Tamagn Beyen’s famous speech to Amhara youth in the north “YeAmhara Kililu ethiopia nech” even more applies to the Oromo. TPLF’s fake sugar border Oromiya is not the actual border of the Oromo. This is not to please some folks. It is true. Raya Oromos live in Tigray, Wollo Oromos live in Amhara region, millions of Oromos were displaced from the Somali region, same happened in Benishangul & Gambella. The major communities the Oromo & Amhara citizenship politics is the only way that keeps them safe in that large Ethiopian territory. What the Amharas like is automatically liked by the Oromos. The only difference in Ethiopia today is the language. Citizenship politics must be rediscussed in afaan Oromo in rural Ethiopia. Despite the heavy noise from the radicals, the Oromo interest is beyond the artificial Oromiya border the TPLF created in 1991.

The job is already being done by ODP, the party of reformist leader PM Dr. Abiy Ahmad.  The bomb attack by Oromo separatists is a huge indication that the Oromo is back to center politics to the anger of some radicals within the Oromo elite. So, despite who is in charge of the unity camp, it will always bloom. Thats the nature of Ethiopia, thats the nature of the two large communities, the Amhara & the Oromo. Ethiopia is not a gigantic coalition of minorities around one major group. It has a history of common shared lives between the large communities.  What the citizenship based groups should do is stop being nice to the elite and work on the streets in the language the streets understand. Be more creative & you can still replicate the miracles of 2005 even in a more Ethiopianist way that CUDP.

The post Truth overruled: Is citizenship politics an Amhara or urbanist only thing? appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News & Breaking News: Your right to know!.

By  Al Mariam

Celebrating the six-month anniversary of Abiy Ahmed’s service as prime minister

October 2, 2018 marks the six-month anniversary of the appointment of Abiy Ahmed as prime minister of Ethiopia.

Six months and one day ago, Ethiopia was on the brink of civil war.

On April 2, 2018, Abiy Ahmed literally came out of nowhere and saved Ethiopia.

I want to celebrate the six-month anniversary of H.E. Prime Minster Dr. Abiy Ahmed with a special song called “What a difference a day makes?”

What a difference a day made/Twenty-four little hours
Brought the sun and the flowers/ Where there used to be rain…/
Lord, what a difference a day makes/ There’s a rainbow before me
Skies above can’t be stormy/ Since that moment of bliss…/
What a difference a day made/And the difference is you/

What a difference 180 days have made in Ethiopia?

And the difference is Abiy Ahmed!

Abiy Ahmed our son, our brother, our uncle, our cousin, our friend.

He brought us the sun and flowers after 27 years of darkness and gloom.

He brought back the lost rainbow to our rainbow nation.

When the Forces of Darkness raised their swords and told him he is not strong enough to weather their storm, Abiy Ahmed told them, “I am the storm”.

When they did not believe him, he reassured them, “I am the calm in the eye of the storm.”

Today, the stormy skies over the Ethiopian rainbow nation have turned azure and we can see clearly over the horizon.

And what difference did Abiy Ahmed make in 180 days?

Abiy Ahmed made a difference not by changing Ethiopia but by changing the hearts and minds of Ethiopians.

Let me count the ways he has changed the lives of his people in such a short time:

Abiy Ahmed liberated our minds from the mental slavery of ethnic politics.

For 27 years, we lived through the darkness of an ethnic apartheid system. He  came along and told us straight up, there is no Oromo Ethiopia, Amhara Ethiopia, Tigray Ethiopia… There is Ethiopiawinet. There is Medemer, or all Ethiopians working together to make Ethiopia a shining city upon a hill. He often reminds us, “When we are alive, we are Ethiopians. When we die (and turn to dust) we become the land that is Ethiopia.”

Abiy Ahmed not only talked peace, he also walked us on the path to peaceful change.

For 27 years, we were pushed and shoved on the road to perdition, to war, to massacres and destruction.

Abiy Ahmed proved to us that the old idea of “power comes out of the barrel of the gun” is outdated, antiquated and passé. “Killing to remain in or to grab power is the politics of losers,” he proclaimed. Real winner do not kill, they heal. We have only one country and the only way we can solve our problems peacefully is through dialogue without mouths, not through the barrel of an AK-47.

Abiy Ahmed made us feel proud to be Ethiopians.

For 27 years, Ethiopiawinet was a crime, a badge of blame and shame. We were  forced to confess our tribal and ethnic affiliations just so we could never say, “We are Ethiopians when we are alive and become Ethiopia when we die.” They beat us up and put us down. They demonized, dehumanized, demoralized, ostracized and categorized us just because we wanted to be called Ethiopians. They turned us into the walking dead.

Today, Abiy Ahmed tells us to loudly proclaim, “When we are alive, we are Ethiopians. When we die (and turn to dust) we become the land that is Ethiopia.”

Today, we wear our Ethiopiawinet as a badge of fame, as a medallion of our pride in a country that had preserved its independence for over three thousand years.

Abiy Ahmed made us feel safe and secure.

For 27 years, we lived in a state of fear, terror and sleeplessness. We feared the midnight knock on the door and the swift street abduction at noon by faceless goons. We lived in an endless nightmare.

Today, Abiy Ahmed has set us free says free to dream and to achieve anything our heart desires for our country and ourselves because the sky is not the limit. We stand tall and walk in full confidence that our rights are secure because Abiy Ahmed is standing vigil for us around the clock.

Abiy Ahmed taught to love because it is the only way to live. Dying and hating isn’t much of a living.

For 27 years, we were taught to hate each other; to kill each other; to distrust each other; to scorn each other and to exact revenge and retribution on each other.

Hate is a very powerful force on our planet and is the source of untold misery, death and destruction. But hate is learned, although I have sometimes wondered if some people are born to hate or have made hate their religion. Mandela said, “People must learn to hate, and if they can learn to hate, they can be taught to love, for love comes more naturally to the human heart than its opposite.”

But Abiy Ahmed says love is not something we learn. It is in our DNA. It is the essence of being human and the ultimate proof of being alive. It exists in every cell of our body. All he is saying is let your love shine!

Abiy Ahmed taught us a powerful truth about true leadership and good governance for Ethiopia.

For 27 years, a gang of ignorant and arrogant fools thinking themselves wise and visionaries took us for a ride to the cleaners and left us penniless. They set up monkey courts to administer justice and instituted a police state they called “command post”.

Abiy Ahmed’s formula for good governance is simple: Ethiopia will rise up as a nation only when the power of love overcomes the love of power of those in power and those hungry and thirsty for power.

Abiy Ahmed taught us we cannot make progress unless we learn and practice to forgive and reconcile.

For 27 years, we were forced to believe that forgiveness and reconciliation is for the weak-kneed, faint-of-heart and the chicken-hearted. The strong and mighty never forgive. They crush and destroy those who oppose them. There are “us and them”. We must destroy them because they are our enemies.

Abiy Ahmed showed us there is a better way. We must not be driven by irrational fears to hate and make enemies of our countrymen and women. He subscribes to the old saying, “Always forgive your enemies; nothing annoys them so much.” I also subscribe to another old saying, “Allow your enemies their space to hate, they will destroy themselves in the process.”

Abiy Ahmed reached out and touched everyone.

For 27 years, the Forces of Darkness hid from the people in their dungeons fabricating intrigues, scams, conspiracies and deadly games. Some of them would not even show their faces or be photographed knowing that one day they will be fugitives from justice.

Abiy Ahmed went into the countryside, the hamlets and towns to talk to the people. He listened to them and answered their questions. His answers are for the ages.

He scoured the Horn of Africa and the Middle East looking for our exiled brothers and sisters forgotten in the jails and prisons, found them and brought them home. He even travelled ten thousand miles to America to bring home the banished, the exiled, the defiant, the indefatigable and unconquerable. He even managed to bring home one native son who was presumed lost for 48 years.

For 27 years, the Forces of Darkness made a nation of 100 million voiceless and speechless. We could not even murmur. We were only allowed to cry.

In six months, Abiy Ahmed lifted every voice in our nation as our choirmaster leading us in harmony:

Sing a song full of the faith that the dark past has taught us,
Sing a song full of the hope that the present has brought us;
Facing the rising sun of our new day begun,
Let us march on till victory is won.

We shall march on to victory with Abiy Ahmed!

For 27 years, we were forced to practice the politics of separation, fragmentation and segregation and live in kilils that are the  human equivalent of apartheid South Africa’s “kraals” (enclosures for cattle or other livestock).

Abiy Ahmed showed us a new way to do our politics. He calls it Medemer. I wrote about it at length recently in an aptly titled commentary, “Medemer or Not Medemer, That is the Question for All Ethiopians!”

Medemer is our ultimate weapon: United we stand against the Forces of Darkness or divided we stumble and fall back into the darkness that covered us pole to pole for the past 27 years of tears.

Abiy Ahmed showed us how to win hearts and minds.

For 27 years, the Forces of Darkness broke our hearts and crushed our minds. They tried to create a society of stonehearted men and women in their own image. We long suffered unspeakable indignities under the thumbs of ignorant, arrogant and intolerant gangsters.

But Abiy Ahmed melted our hearts with his love, humility, gentleness, empathy, kindness and compassion. He visits the sick in the hospital, donates blood and rebuilds the crumbling mud houses of the poorest of the poor. He shows respect to the young and old, men and women, rich and poor alike.

He won our minds with his stunning eloquence, his breadth of knowledge, his impeccable logic and awesome strategic thinking. The words he speaks have the weight of gold. When Abiy Ahmed speaks, everybody listens!

Abiy Ahmed showed us the right way to deal with women. Respect. He knows first-hand that behind every great man, there is (are) a great woma(e)n. There would have been no Abiy Ahmed without his mother or Zinash Tayachew.

Abiy Ahmed showed us honesty is always the best policy.

For 27 years, we were smeared with lies, damned lies and statislies. I coined the word “liestruth” (lie is truth) to describe the deceit, deception, dishonesty, disinformation, distortion, evasion, fabrication, falsehood and fiction rolling off the assembly line at their Lie Factory.

Abiy Ahmed tells it like it is. He says what he means and means what he says. He tells us the truth whether we like it or not. There is no bull with Abiy Ahmed.

But the Forces of Darkness have a big problem: They can’t handle the truth Abiy Ahmed is laying on them. That simple truth is: GAME OVER!

So, they try to keep on playing their games of intrigue, conspiracy, death and destruction.

I almost forgot…

Abiy Ahmed has also done other things that have made a world of difference.

Let me count the ways Abiy Ahmed has made a difference in the Ethiopian political, social and economic landscape and the Horn of Africa.

Abiy Ahmed busted open the political space that had been welded shut over the past 27 years.

For the past 27 years, Ethiopia was famous for its closed political space and gross human rights violations.

Abiy Ahmed changed that in six months. He pleaded with opposition leaders in the country to freely organize for an internationally-monitored free and fair election in 2020. He invited opposition leaders abroad to return home and engage peacefully in the political process. He granted amnesty to those once deemed to be “terrorists”. He has laid the groundwork for true multiparty democracy. He emptied the prisons of political prisoners. He restored the people’s constitutional right to free expression, allowed opposition media to operate freely and even invited opposition media from the Diaspora to establish local offices.

The media today functions as a watchdog investigating and reporting on crimes and misconduct in public office. Access to the internet is available without control or censorship.

The people today enjoy their right to peaceful protest, to fly their own flags and carry their own symbols with impunity. But the  Forces of Darkness tried to take advantage of this freedom by bankrolling thugs to cause death and destruction.

Abiy Ahmed told us the truth about the last 27 years. He said the terrorists were actually those in power committing torture and all forms of crimes against humanity. He has removed officials known to have engaged in gross human rights violations, corruption and abuse of power.

Abiy Ahmed has ensured the primacy of the rule of law.

For the past 27 years, we had ethnic minority rule masquerading as the rule of law.

Abiy Ahmed has established a professional justice department that will pursue legal accountability against anyone engaged in criminal activity.

But unlike the past 27 years, there will be no collective punishment or mass persecution.

Every person who commits a crime will be held to account.

Abiy Ahmed showed his supreme commitment to the rule of law and due process when he was asked about the status of the investigation of the suspects accused of trying to assassinate him. He meticulously respected their right to a fair trial and presumption of innocence. He did not say a single word that could be interpreted as damaging to the defense of these suspects.

For 27 years, innocent people accused of “terrorism” were held in detention for long periods, denied the right to counsel and tortured to confess and sentenced to long prison terms in monkey courts.

It takes a great man to hold his peace against those who attempted to kill him when presented an opportunity to damn them.

Abiy Ahmed has undertaken systematic reform of the police, security and military forces.

For the past 27 years, these forces had been privatized to serve the economic and political interests of one group.

Abiy Ahmed is working hard to completely professionalize the country’s forces to be in the service of the whole nation. The days of gross abuses of human rights, street abductions, arbitrary detentions, torture and criminality are gone.

Abiy Ahmed brought us and our neighbors peace and unity.

For 27 years, we were denied the right to say our peace, and war in the name of peace was imposed upon us at the barrel of the gun or through the dragnet of a “command post”. The Forces of Darkness waged a savage war on our neighbors in the name of Ethiopia.

Abiy Ahmed has made a world of difference in the Horn of Africa. He successfully implemented his “Medemer” strategy to transform the Horn of Africa and beyond.

Abiy Ahmed worked with H.E. President Isaias Afeworki to end hostilities that had lingered on for 20 years and considered a “lost” and “impossible” case. They reopened the border and families separated by war are now united in brotherly and sisterly peace.

The two leaders succeeded by following Nelson Mandela’s maxim: “If you want to make peace with your enemy, you have to work with your enemy. Then he becomes your partner.” Their partnership has wrapped the people of Ethiopia and Eritrea in a single garment of social, economic and political destiny.

I know Ethiopia and Eritrea will be one, one day at a time. That is what the people of Ethiopia and Eritrea want. It is up to the leaders to fulfill the dreams of their respective peoples.

Abiy Ahmed brought  South Sudan’s power contenders to the peace table.

He went to Somalia and told the Somali people that their peace and stability is Ethiopia’s peace and stability. He promptly established international air service to Somalia.

Abiy Ahmed has become the messenger of peace in the Horn and beyond.  Somalia, Eritrea and Djbouti are aboard the Abiy Ahmed Peace Train. He has even allayed the fears of Egypt worried about the construction of the dam over the Abay (Nile) River.

Abiy Ahmed has gone a long way to ensure the Horn region does not become the  battleground in global and regional geopolitics. He is leading the peace initiative with the contending regional powers and others to peacefully engage in the Horn of Africa.

Some people have the Midas touch (golden touch). Abiy Ahmed has the Peace Touch. Everything he touches turns to peace.

Abiy Ahmed has stabilized the economy.

For the past 27 years, the Forces of Darkness looted the country’s treasury. They used the country’s banks as their back pockets. He has stabilized the foreign exchange crises and arranged a $3 billion package from the United Arab Emirates. He has persuaded the International Monetary Fund to provide a substantial loan to Ethiopia. He has established a commission to look into privatization of certain state-run institutions and liberalize the economy with the aim of improving services through market competition. He has welcomed foreign investments and promised a one-stop shop to avoid delays.

For the past 27 years, we suffered under a regime that made Ethiopia its playground and plaything. They trashed the constitution and ruled by their whims and fancy stealing billions from public projects with impunity.

Abiy Ahmed has set in motion an open, accountable and transparent government. Ministers will be evaluated by parliamentary committees. Government agencies and offices are required to publish information on their activities on their websites. He told his ministers point blank that if they can’t cut the mustard, they will have to pack up and ship out. There is no nepotism and no cronyism. Get the job done right, or hit the road Jack and don’t you come back no more.

Abiy Ahmed is forging ahead with Ethiopia’s Cheetahs (young people). He has cleaned out his party of what some people call “dead wood”. In his speeches, he emphasizes the time is for Ethiopia’s young people to carry the mantle and lead Ethiopia to her destined greatness. He is telling Hippos (older generation) like me that we have a place. We can stand by the side of our young people and help them with our skills, knowledge and resources.

Abiy Ahmed brought harmony and understanding among factions of the two religions in Ethiopia. He helped bring healing to the Ethiopian Tewahedo Orthodox Church in the country and in the Diaspora. He also helped factions in the Islamic community come together and resolve their differences peacefully.

Abiy Ahmed is leading the construction crew to build the New Ethiopia upon the shining hill.

But he has a long and difficult road ahead of him.

He must first tear down the mud walls of the kilil-istans (ethnic homelands/ Bantustans) that have kept the people of Ethiopia corralled like cattle.

He has to purge the poison of ethnic hate from the body politic of Ethiopia.

He must build bridges to connect people that have been separated and segregated over the past 27 years.

But Abiy Ahmed is the only person who could do the job. That’s is a FACT!

He is the only man with the capability, integrity, morality, respectability, intentionality and personality to do it right.

Abiy Ahmed has done all these things and more in 180 days!

That leads me to ask an embarrassing question of myself.

Do we really deserve Abiy Ahmed?

I know I should not be asking this question, but I just have to even at the risk of offending some of my readers!

Do we really deserve Abiy Ahmed?

I mean shouldn’t he be the leader of the entire continent instead of just one country?

Shouldn’t he just take his place as Mandela’s successor and begin where Mandela left off?

Apparently, major international media think he has a greater destiny.

The Financial Times wrote Abiy Ahmed “may be the most popular politician in Africa” and calls him “Ethiopia’s Mandela”.

The New York Times says Abiy Ahmed is the “most closely watched leader in Africa.”

CNN has tried to explain “Why Ethiopians believe their new prime minister is a prophet.”

The Economist is trying to figure out why “Ethiopians are going wild for Abiy Ahmed.”

Al Jazeera wonders if Abiy Ahmed is the real thing: “Are Ethiopians blinded by Abiymania?”

Black Star News has declared, “Dr. Abiy Ahmed is a legitimate Nobel Peace Prize candidate.”

Herman Cohen, former U.S. Assistant Secretary for African Affairs, tweeted: “For the first time in my professional life, I am nominating someone for the Nobel Peace Prize: Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. If he brings multiparty democracy to #Ethiopia, the entire Horn of Africa will be transformed for the better.”

Abiy Ahmed has been prime minister of Ethiopia for only 180 days TODAY! 

There is no African leader today who can hold a candle to Abiy Ahmed.

He is a breed apart. He is one of a kind, that one that comes once every century if a country is lucky.

That is why I believe Abiy Ahmed is the political leader of the greatest virtue Ethiopia has produced in living memory.

Last stop for the Forces of Darkness before they are consigned to the  trash bin of history

The meeting in Hawassa in the next couple of days will be the last chance for the Forces of Darkness to make a last stand and try for a comeback to power.

The general party meeting of the EPRDF in Hawassa this week is the last chance the Forces of Darkness have to return to power. They have as much chance to return to power as a snow ball in hell.

It will be a do or die moment for them.

Of course, they know it is GAME OVER for them. But that does not mean anything to them. They are like the three-legged cat trying to bury turd on a marble floor. The cat will keep on trying mindlessly as will the Forces of Darkness.

I told them it was GAME OVER in exacting terms in my December 2015 commentary.

But the Forces of Darkness are like the damned who have eyes but cannot see, have ears but cannot hear, have noses, but cannot smell; have hands, but cannot feel and have clay feet and cannot walk.

The Forces of Darkness are doomed to the trash bin of history.

In my March 2015 commentary, I prophesied the end of the Forces of Darkness in exacting detail. I told them they will soon be vacuumed and deposited in the dust bin of history.

That moment has arrived!

The only question is whether they will go out with a bang or a whimper.

Their predicament reminds of T.S. Eliot’s poem, “The Hollow Men”.

We are the hollow men/ We are the stuffed men
Leaning together/Headpiece filled with straw. Alas!
Our dried voices, when/ We whisper together
Are quiet and meaningless

…

The eyes are not here/There are no eyes here
In this valley of dying stars/In this hollow valley
This broken jaw of our lost kingdoms…

This is the way the world ends/ This is the way the world ends
This is the way the world ends/Not with a bang but a whimper.

So, will the end of the hollow men, stuffed men, the empty suits of the Forces of Darkness come with a bang or a whimper as the broken jaw of their lost kingdom vanishes into the fog of history?

Will they whisper their meaningless babble or talk sense?

Some say the Forces of Darkness will be on their best behavior in Hawassa because they know they have been licked. They will do anything to cut a deal on immunity.

If PM Abiy Ahmed could guarantee them immunity from prosecution for all of the crimes they have committed and let them slide on all of the billions they have stolen, they will anoint him as the Second Coming. But there a snowball’s chance in hell for that to happen.

Others say they will put the old Art. 39 bluster. They have been talking about going “their way” if they cannot get their way. Our way or the highway. Some would say, “Don’t let the door hit you on the backside.”

Based on the historical evidence, I expect the Forces of Darkness will do what they do best in Hawassa. They will attempt to:

Coordinate a terrorist attack to disrupt the party meeting.

Provoke a crisis in the proceedings by bringing as part of their delegation a criminal against humanity for whom an arrest warrant has been issued.

Pull tricks in the media to embarrass PM Abiy.

Undertake a media campaign to depict the party conference as rigged and unfair.

Create a scene on the debate floor to show to bring attention to themselves and show their constituents they are fighting for them.

Use procedural rules to delay, obstruct and distract and trivialize the proceedings.

Try to create a public image that the other three parties are ganging against them and they are objects of persecution.

Use every method of blackmail to force the other three parties to bend to their will.

Threaten, intimidate, buy off and otherwise coerce certain vulnerable members of the other parties to support them.

But here is my prophesy for the Forces of Darkness.

You gnash your teeth and bare your claws against a righteous leader.

Your wicked schemes and plots will fail completely.

Your day has come and like the grass that withers before the noonday sun, so you shall too.

Be forewarned not to draw your sword against Abiy Ahmed for it will bend and piece your own hearts.

Abiy Ahmed may stumble, but he will not fall, for there is an invisible power that upholds him with his hand.

We will refrain form anger and show you peace.

But as I have prophesied to you over the years, WE shall inherit the land and you shall inherit the wind.

ETHIOPIAWINET TODAY

ETHIOPIAWINET TOMORROW

ETHIOPIAWINET FOREVER!

The post Ethiopia and Abiy Ahmed: What a Difference 180 Days Make? appeared first on Satenaw: Ethiopian News & Breaking News: Your right to know!.

By Prof. Messay Kebede

Ethnic tensions and violent clashes and subsequent displacements of people in some regions of Ethiopia and around Addis Ababa have set off alarmist, if not distraught, reactions among political analysts, activists, and ordinary people. While for some these tragic events reveal the weakness of Abiy’s government and the fragile nature of the reforms he introduced, for others they put into question the very survival of Ethiopia as a united nation. Still others blame Abiy and his government for not taking the necessary measures to stop the spread of violence, even though many of these violent disturbances were, so they say, inevitable once groups known for their extremist and aggressive ideologies were invited back into the country.

I must admit that I was taken aback by these reactions. It is one thing to raise the alarm and vigorously denounce these violent events; it is quite another to construe them as events that should not have happened or could have been avoided. To the extent that any deep-going social change has supporters and opponents, both nonviolent oppositions and violent conflicts are inevitable. The question is not whether they will be violent clashes, but whether they can be contained to the minimum. All the more reason for adopting this approach is that, not long ago, when clashes between protesters and the Woyanne government were routinely occurring, many observers did not hesitate to describe the future of Ethiopia as bleak, if not doomed. Moreover, the common perception was that TPLF’s policy of divide-and-rule had planted tensions in many places that are bound to explode as soon as it loses its grip on the country.

The fact that the predicted extensive catastrophes did not take place should make us more appreciative of the relative peace of the country, even as it is undergoing critical changes. Not only serious reforms that bring together ethnic groups by reducing tensions are implemented, but also they take place in a legal framework that saves the country from resorting to a revolutionary upheaval. Recourse to revolution would have been fatal for the country, given its fragmentation along ethnic lines. The dissent within the previous OPDO that brought about the Lemma group to leadership position and Abiy to premiership can be labelled as salvational in view of the likelihood of civil wars if the Woyanne regime had to be removed unconstitutionally.

What all this means is that if we are serious about building a diverse and democratic Ethiopia, we must be ready for a highly challenging task. And we cannot be ready unless we begin by accepting the inevitability of difficult bumps on the road to democratic governance. Once repression is discarded as a means to deal with political opponents, there remains the hard and patient way of working to generate consensus. The fact that repression is legitimately used only when it is clearly and legally established that a specific group has infringed existing laws may create the perception that the government is weak. The bare truth, however, is that such a belief emanates from a misconception on what it takes to build a democratic state. In the same vein, it is tempting to blame Abiy and the government for inviting extremist groups, but this view misses that it is little democratic to ban groups that opted for armed struggle when we know that their option was mainly caused by the lack of the possibility of peaceful protests and free elections, and that they themselves openly renounced the use of force.

The core issue here is that we fail to ask the right question if we misconceive the social dynamics that takes place in Ethiopia subsequent to the rise of Abiy. An essential part of the complaint concerning stability, violent clashes, and displacements of people come from those who, having lost their hegemonic position, see no other way out than through the overthrow of Abiy. It is logical to assume that these people are the direct or indirect instigators of the conflicts. Vis-à-vis the political reality created by Abiy, they and their supporters are literally floating in the air, because they clearly see that their discourses and interests cannot fit into that reality. As a result, they can neither be with Abiy nor go on his left or right. Their only chance is violent disturbance and chaos so that they would appear as the party that will restore order and peace. Naturally, among their supporters, we find secessionist groups: for them too, chaos is conducive to the realization of their secessionist agenda, since the collapse of the central government will give them free rein to turn the ethnic fragmentation into separate states.

As to competing political groups with moderate views, their problem is Abiy in that he is too big to the point of covering the entire political space. Consequently, these groups try to create new spaces for them by moving on the right or left of Abiy. Unfortunately, the quagmire here is that left and right politics run the risk of wrecking the unity of the country, with all the dire consequences that such an outcome would entail. Indeed, the first cannot avoid questioning the present ethnic demarcations of regions; the latter cannot but restore some form of ethnic dominance. In both cases, it is hardly possible to prevent dissatisfaction and the danger of civil war. In other words, the space taken up by Abiy is large because, in addition to holding in each of his hands one of the twin problems of Ethiopia, namely, ethnic demarcation and national unity, he is engaged in the task of pulling them together.

To say that the political cards have been so shuffled by the reformist stature of Abiy that political parties have yet to find a credible place in the political spectrum is to point out the looming danger. Indeed, one thing is sure: the attempt to move to left or right compels political parties competing against the renovated EPRDF to espouse extremist political agendas, given the space covered by Abiy. Even moderate opposition groups are drawn to extremism, as shown by the recent spectacle of Oromo moderate political parties siding with more radical groups in their assessment of the violent clashes in some towns around Addis Ababa. In other words, the unintended consequence of the rise of Abiy is the danger that opposing Oromo groups (perhaps Somali groups as well) could be sucked into extremism just to find their niche in the political arena.

That is why I believe that a returnee leader of the EPRP, Mersha Yousef, expressed a sensible stand (an extremely rare quality for the organization) when he said in an interview to Addis Admass: “We are not at present preoccupied by the election. Even if the objective of any political party is to come to power by means of election, we want to do some prior work . . . . In particular, we will strongly work to prevent the reversal of the initiated change . . . . We support this change because it is good for the country” (loosely translated). Put otherwise, the best that political parties concerned with the welfare of the country can do is to protect and support the ongoing change so as to put it on a firmer foundation. Only after this job is done does it become safe and expedient to engage in the competition for power.

Some such position is obviously attentive to the numerous dangers threatening the peace and integrity of the country. It calls for parties to rally behind Abiy by putting aside differences as well as political ambitions for the higher good of the country. What is at stake is the crucial need to consolidate, before anything else, the democratic process and gains. This does not mean that we should give carte blanche to Abiy and his government. The simple truth is that Abiy needs the democratic forces of the country as much as they need him. Our focus must be on the progress of democratization: we must make sure that the country is moving forward by educating, organizing, and mobilizing popular forces as well as by keeping open and feeding on the democratic debate. The goal of this work is to create parties that are stronger and more representative and capable of proposing viable alternative policies. These actions provide what is needed to pursue the democratic progressions by keeping enough pressure on Abiy and his government.

Messay Kebede

https://udayton.academia.edu/MessayKebede

Ahmed Soliman

Dr Abiy Ahmed faces an enormous challenge in satisfying the huge range of expectations from different constituencies clamouring for representation in Ethiopia’s multi-faceted ethnic federation.

After a turbulent three years for Ethiopia, including large-scale anti-government protests, new prime minister Dr Abiy Ahmed is likely to enjoy a honeymoon period – and seems early on to have persuaded many he can bring stability, unity and reform to the country.

Abiy – an Oromo leader in his early 40s with a mixed ethnic and religious background – is now the youngest leader of any African country, and heads up one of the four ethnically-based constituent parties, the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO).

He faces significant long-term obstacles that will need to be confronted, and the pace of change will create tensions and significant resistance, especially considering Dr Abiy’s rise was partially a direct response to the popular protests which have gripped Ethiopia since 2014, particularly in the Oromia and Amhara regions, which account for almost 60 per cent of the population.

Secretive and complex alliance-building

But despite the popular pressure, the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) went to great lengths to ensure a formal selection process after the resignation of Hailemariam Desalegn in February, involving secretive and complex alliance-building among the four coalition parties.

Dr Abiy was a wildcard candidate, but won the eventual election comfortably – with 108 votes out of 180 – after the last-minute withdrawal of deputy prime minister Demeke Mekkonen. Although subsequently framed by Demeke as being in the national good, his calculation was based on several factors, the most important being that senior members of his Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM) explained that he would not remain as deputy prime minister if he lost the leadership contest. Abiy’s ascension was enhanced by an alliance between OPDO and ANDM which has contributed significantly to the diminishing influence of the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), the dominant member of the coalition since its inception in the late 80s.

Building a national constituency base

The prime minister reigns over both a divided country and political party and needs to expand his support base to shore up authority and implement national reforms. He will face challenges from elites within the EPRDF who resisted Abiy’s election (mostly TPLF old guard) who see him as a threat to their power base, but also from ethno-nationalists and opposition groups (Oromo, Amhara and others) who believe the OPDO hijacked the grassroots social movement.

Abiy undertook a nationwide reconciliation tour in the first month of his premiership, visiting the Ethio-Somali, Oromia, Tigray, Amhara and Southern Nations regions, and delivering a message of forgiveness and unity in three languages, Afaan Oromo, Tigrigna and Amharic. Despite his rise to power through an ethno-nationalist movement, Dr Abiy’s message was aimed at all Ethiopians and was strongly against ethnic targeting and displacement. This has undoubtedly increased his support among the urban-based elite.

In addition, the prime minister’s first government is carefully balanced, taking into account existing institutional and ethnic dynamics within the EPRDF, although OPDO do hold a number of important positions including the president, prime minister, foreign minister, defence minister, revenue and customs authority and attorney general.

Dr Abiy’s main challenger in the election, Shiferaw Shigute, has moved to the ministry of agriculture and livestock from the EPRDF secretariat, which is perceived as a demotion. And his replacement, in a government criticised for having too few women, is Fetlework Gebre-egziabher (deputy chair of the TPLF). Another notable appointment is Muferiyat Kamil, the first female speaker of the national parliament in Ethiopia’s history.

Security sector and governance reform

Dr Abiy needs to balance pragmatic power politics with protecting and building consensus, most acutely in the security sector, parastatals and wider governance structures. Oromos now make up a majority on the National Security Council, which gives OPDO significant influence, including deciding when to lift the six-month state of emergency which was re-imposed in February, and opposed by many Oromo MPs.

Dr Abiy does understand the workings of the military-intelligence complex, having served in both the armed forces and the Ethiopian Information Network Security Agency (INSA). Significantly, he has swiftly rebalanced the leadership of INSA and the Metals and Engineering Corporation (the colossal state-owned industrial company run by the military). Their Tigrayan directors have been replaced by civilian directors from other regions, heading off attempts to undermine the new dispensation.

After much speculation, the chief of staff of the Ethiopian National Defence Forces, General Samora Yunis, and Getachew Assefa, the director general of military intelligence, both Tigrayans, retained their positions (though suggestions are Samora could still leave soon). Over the last two decades there has been insufficient effort to ensure the leadership of the security institutions reflects Ethiopia’s diversity. But affirmative action has been taken more recently, ensuring the military and intelligence have deputy directors from different regions – assertive moves that indicate Dr Abiy understands the delicate challenge of balancing continuity and change within Ethiopia’s security state.

The government has also embarked on several reforms, such as closing the infamous Maekelawi prison, restoring mobile internet in the regions, releasing thousands of political prisoners (some after having been re-arrested), plus allowing opposition leaders to travel and including them in discussions about reforms.

Local elections have been delayed until September to give the government time to settle, remove the state of emergency and implement electoral changes. But parliament has already agreed reforms on the autonomy of the election board, election management practices and to include partial proportional representation.

Abiy Ahmed has met with parties from outside the EPRDF and national elections in 2020 could see a broadened political space, with the inclusion of national and ethno-national opposition parties, and debate on fundamental questions of federalism, economic development, the security sector and establishment of the rule of law. But, while popular, such a political opening would bring significant challenges.

More fundamentally, Dr Abiy has to meet demands for more equitable federalism and autonomy among Ethiopia’s ethnic mosaic, while also protecting the nationally planned and controlled industrialization and infrastructure projects that fuelled Ethiopia’s decade-long 8-10 per cent GDP growth and status as the fastest growing economy in Africa.

Opening up the EPRDF-dominated system may result in demands for greater freedom from marginalized regions – including direct control of development and industrialization policy. But the consensus around ideologies of ‘democratic centralism’ and the ‘developmental state’ that have shaped the EPRDF’s vision for the future may be threatened should its coalition weaken.

The new prime minister’s main task is to unify the members of his coalition and the wider country through inclusive leadership, and balancing reform with consensus-building. In the long-term, much depends on his government’s vision, and whether Dr Abiy can convince members of the EPRDF it is possible to change the country’s governance structures and political economy while renewing a commitment to the party’s national development goals.

BY ALEMAYEHU MARIAM, OPINION CONTRIBUTOR

The Economist

Twenty years after a pointless war over a town no one had heard of, Ethiopia ponders rapprochement

“LIKE Sarajevo, 1914,” said the late Ethiopian prime minister, Meles Zenawi, of the first gunshots fired on May 6th 1998. “An accident waiting to happen.” Neither he nor his counterpart in neighbouring Eritrea, Isaias Afwerki, imagined that a light skirmish at Badme, a border village of which few had heard, could spiral into full-scale war. But two years later about 80,000 lives had been lost and more than half a million people forced from their homes.

No land changed hands. Two decades on, Ethiopia still occupies the disputed territories, including Badme, having refused to accept the findings of a UN boundary commission. But the conflict’s miserable legacy persists. Thousands of troops still patrol the frontier. Centuries of trade and intermarriage abruptly ceased. Ethiopia lost access to Eritrea’s ports. Eritrea lost its biggest trading partner and retreated into isolationism. It has been on a war footing ever since.

But it is not so lonely these days. On April 22nd Donald Yamamoto, America’s most senior diplomat in Africa, visited Asmara, the capital—the first such visit in over a decade. Eritrea has been sanctioned by the UN since 2009, in part for allegedly arming jihadists in neighbouring Somalia. But a panel of experts appointed by the UN Security Council found no evidence of arms transfers and advocates lifting the embargo. America sounds open to the idea. Some reckon sanctions could be removed this year.

Many in Addis Ababa, the Ethiopian capital, are also mulling a change of course. With the appointment last month of a new prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, there is an opportunity for fresh thinking. Abiy, who was an intelligence officer during the war, promised in his inaugural speech to make peace with Eritrea.

He may have more luck than his predecessors. In the years after the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) seized power in 1991, its policy towards Eritrea was dominated by the Tigrayan faction of the ruling coalition. Tigray shares a border with Eritrea and its people suffered heavily during the war. Abiy’s Oromo faction comes with less baggage.

But any rapprochement would almost certainly require withdrawal from Badme. This would be hard to sell in parts of Ethiopia. And Abiy would need something in return, such as access to Eritrea’s ports, which Isaias has never shown much interest in offering. Moreover, the threat from Ethiopia allows him to keep smothering democracy at home and maintaining a huge army. “Making peace would be the end of him,” says an Eritrean refugee who recently arrived in Addis Ababa. “Why would he?”

Belayneh Abate

Our conscience is repeatedly stabbed  by the endless systematic displacement, massacre, incarceration, torture and  starvation of the Amara People.  As the testimonies, physical and mental status of Amara Prisoner’s demonstrate, even the detention centers  are disproportionately harsh on Amara people.

It is unjust and subhuman to be silent when these people are hunted like American deer in every corner of the country because they were born Amara. It appears that  working, hoping and wishing  for ideals subjects to extinction.

Ideally, we hope the world to be fair, compassionate and free of corruption and crimes. In realty, the world is full of corruption, unfairness, injustice and murders.

Ideally, we want the globe to be free of racial, sexual, religious, social status or  other forms of discrimination.  In realty, the globe has been inundated with  any forms of discrimination since the birth of mankind.

Ideally, we wish the honest, the loyal and the just should govern nations. In realty, the liars, the traitors, and the criminals rule countries.

Because the liars, the traitors and the criminals  rule countries, the earth has been Hell for the weak since the era of genesis.

As philosophy teaches, the wise man Socrates was voted to death because the liar and the unjust rulers mislead the public that Socrates was corrupt and against all Gods.

As scriptures teach, Christos was crucified because  of his liar accusers, who preached that he was against the Laws.

As history teaches the shrewd Europeans enslaved the naive Africans, Asians and Latin Americans using bible as their entrance gates.

As we know, the Jewish people were massacred by the Nazis because they were blamed for all the problems of that time Germany.

Similarly, the Amaras have been massacred,  imprisoned, tortured, displaced, sterilized,  and subjected to illiteracy and starvation because they are blamed for all the problems of the country.  The elimination of Amara has continued and a large number of them are currently displaced from their mother land, the land their forefathers protected through their blood since the earth was created.

Despite this survival threat , we still  talk about love, unity, reconciliation, forgiveness and may other empty words.  In principle these empty words could bring universal  peace. In realty though, these empty words  protect the powerful and  appease the weak as it happened in South Africa and many other places.

In addition to listening to  the undeliverable ideal preaching of the hypocrite prophets,  the victimized Amara  should  realize the fact about survival in a hostile environment. This survival fact is what   Richard Connell said in his beautiful writing, the Most Dangerous Game:  “The World is Made Up of The Hunters and The Huntees.”

I hope Richard Connell was wrong and there were no hunters and huntees!

The writer can be reached at abatebelai@yahoo.com

On May 2, the first month of the official settlement of Abiy Ahmed Ali was held at the helm of the Ethiopian executive. Thirty intense days, full of important events passed in the background. Important political, economic and social openings have gone beyond the brightest expectations of international observers. The silent successes gathered by Abiy Ahmed represent at the same time those of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), the coalition in power uninterruptedly since 1991. Marked by clear ethnic and religious divisions within it, the EPRDF is demonstrating a strong capacity regenerative, removing the risk of premature collapse. The internal discussions followed the resignation in mid-February of Hailemariam Desalegn,
To date, in domestic politics, the milestones of Abiy’s political action are represented in chronological order by the official visit to Ambo and by a courageous government reshuffle.

The homage paid to the city of Oromia has had a very high symbolic meaning. The University of Ambo represents, in fact, the epicenter of the clashes between the population and the Addis Ababa government of the last two years, which then spread like a slick of oil for all of Ethiopia. A step towards conciliation, accompanied by the meeting of the relatives of the victims of the clashes, as if to give an implicit honor to the posthumously to the fallen victims. A double significance considering how the West Shewa area, in which Ambo is located, is a stronghold of the political antagonists of the EPRDF, the birthplace of Merera Gudina, opposition leader and President Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), in jail until January 2018 on charges of terrorism and subversion.

The second key step in domestic politics was the government reshuffle. A difficult interlocking game in which even maintaining intact the basic structure set up by the predecessor Hailemariam Desalegn with the reconfirmation of two heavy ministers like Workneh Gebeyehu to Foreign and Abraham Tekeste to Finance, and the assignment of Defense to Motuma Mekassa, giving a signal of discontinuity in a dicastery symbol of armed repression against the unarmed population.

The steps taken in foreign policy are equally important and meaningful. The credit openings in favor of the historical Eritrean enemy on the day of the settlement has correctly given way to underground diplomacy. A bet almost impossible to win, but that in case of a positive outcome would open grassland development for both countries.

Waiting to close the matter with Eritrea, Prime Minister Abiy has undertaken two important visits abroad that brought him first to Djibouti and then to Sudan. Ensuring good relations with neighboring countries is, in fact, an obligatory step to give consistency to the aspirations of continental leadership. In an African version of the Monroe doctrine, the Horn of Africa represents for Ethiopia that house garden to be treated with care, to defend its interests and to avoid falling under the spheres of influence of competing countries. The diplomatic capacity of Abiy has been translated with the signing of commercial, infrastructural, political cooperation and, most importantly, the entry of the Ethiopian government in the management of Porto Djibouti and Porto Sudan

An unprecedented success in just thirty days, which will follow as per Ethiopian tradition. The alarmist analyzes of those who considered Addis Ababa’s government on the brink of an unprecedented implosion seem far from geological eras, showing little memory of the country’s history and the diplomatic capacity (both internally and externally) of its population.

Zegabi blog

Messay Kebede

In posted interviews and write-ups as well as in informal discussions, the debate is raging between supporters and detractors of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. Among the detractors, we find supporters of the TPLF openly accusing Dr. Abiy of reversing Ethiopia’s existing political order and ideological direction. We should ignore them, were it not for their alarmist message surreptitiously calling for some kind of coup de force against the newly elected leader. Most interesting, however, is the position of those who criticize the Prime Minister for doing nothing more than empty talks, with little or no will to implement them. Among this group, some go further by adding that the empty talks are a deliberate and concerted attempt to demobilize the popular uprising by false promises designed to buy time for the EPRDF to reorganize and consolidate itself. There is a third much larger group that speaks of Ethiopia’s engagement in the path of difficult but inevitable reforms following a notable decline of the TPLF’s hegemonic position.

My own assessment of the situation leads me to adopt a different position. I do not share the optimism of the third group, not because I am suspicious about the authenticity of Dr. Abiy’s reformist commitment, but because I do not believe for one moment that the hegemonic position of the TPLF has declined. We can speak of setback, not of an inevitable and irreversible loss of power. To the extent that I do not question the authenticity of Abiy’s reformism, I equally disagree with those who reduce his speeches and promises to empty rhetoric.

I maintain that the characterization of the speeches as hallow promises is misguided for the reason that they challenge and in some way reverse the ideological stand of the TPLF. In addition to renewing the government’s commitment to Ethiopian unity, the speeches alter the Woyanne reading of Ethiopian history, notably by moving the perception of Ethiopia as a culprit to that of survivor thanks to the sacrifices paid by all its people. Hailing Ethiopia and its unity in this fashion after a quarter of century of systematic debasement and poisonous divisive policy is not just talk; it is rebirth, resurrection. Moreover, traveling to the various regions and making speeches that raise hope and renew national unity are for now the only game at which Abiy can beat the TPLF. In these speeches, he presents himself as a committed reformer and a leader who can listen to the people instead of putting a leash on them, thereby increasing his legitimacy and his indispensability. The speeches are like campaign promises, with the difference that the outgoing government is not willing to abide by the rules.

Evidently, critics are right when they demand concrete reforms, which can only begin by the lifting of the state of emergency. But where they are wrong is in their appreciation of the situation. Strange as it may seem, Abiy is blamed for the lack of concrete reforms even as everybody knows that the real culprit is the TPLF. Blaming Abiy would make sense if he promised reforms but at the same time blocked their implementation. Such is not his case. Even though he was elected Prime Minister according to the very rules of the EPRDF, the most influential member of the coalition, namely the TPLF, refuse to recognize the powers invested in the prime minister by the Constitution, of which it is––need I remind––the chief architect. Take the case of the previous Prime Minister. We criticized Haile Mariam Desalegn, not because we thought that he had real power like his predecessor, but because he became the spokesperson of the TPLF but without the power. With Abiy, we have a dissenting Prime Minister whose reformist agenda is now blocked by the TPLF, which it can do––oh, cruel irony––only by going against its own Constitution.

Hence my position: the present situation of Ethiopia is neither one of imminent reform nor the preservation of the status quo, disguised or otherwise. It is best described as a situation of bicepalic government, as a result of which the country is pulled in two different directions. One may question the accuracy of the description: the idea of a two-headed government does not sound accurate in view of the fact that the TPLF holds a power system unmatched by that of the Prime Minister. Where one head is much smaller than the other, there is in effect only one government.

The objection overlooks a major factor, namely, the extensive power that the Constitution grants to the prime minister. Among other things, it is said that the prime minister is “the Chief Executive, the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, and the Commander-in-Chief of the national armed forces.” Even a superficial look at the Constitution is enough to show that the whole structure and component parts of ethnic federalism cannot operate without a prime minister invested with extensive power. He/she is to the federated ethnic groups what the conductor is to a symphony orchestra. As such, the prime minister is altogether the unifier, organizer, and exclusive leader of the Ethiopian state. Given this extensive role, any marginalization of the prime minister entails malfunctioning at all levels of the government. It is because the system works only if it has one uncontested and powerful leader that the government of Haile Mariam was not only besieged with so many problems, but also proved incapable to deal with them.

Imagine what will happen if the prime minister wants to take the country in a different direction while another part of the same government is trying to block it. Either the opposing pole will have to mount a coup d’état or it will be dragged willy-nilly by the other pole of the government. Doubtless, the possibility of a coup is quite reel, but it will have dire consequences for all the players and the country as a whole. The popularity of the Prime Minister and the hopes he has raised are now a fact of Ethiopian political reality. His removal harbors the risk of triggering a chaotic situation of massive uprisings that no state of emergency can cope with, thereby plunging the country into an uncertain and uncontrollable future. The only win-win way out for most people, including for many of those who support the status quo, is the path of gradual reforms.

In light of the defining feature of the situation, what we need to do is also clear enough. It is not to count the failures of Abiy in the hope of exposing his powerlessness or his hidden agenda. That his constitutional power is curtailed, we know it. As to his hidden agenda, the assumption completely overlooks the disparity inherent in the government, notably the fracture in the ideological makeup of the regime. A conference recently held in Addis Ababa rightly noticed that the election of Abiy seems to trigger a shift from revolutionary democracy to more liberal principles. Consequently, in a situation defined by poles pulling in different directions, our question must be what we need to do to tip the balance in favor Abiy and the reformist group. The answer is obvious: the struggle must continue, for only thus can we show that there is no other solution than the path of reform. The continuation of the struggle demonstrates to TPLF members that the best they can do for themselves is to follow Abiy because the implementation of reforms, and that alone, can abate the expression of discontent and prevent the reaching of a situation of complete breakdown.

By Dr Yacob Haile-Mariam

While we may cautiously rejoice over the new day that has dawned on Ethiopia in recent months with tantalizing promises, we unfortunately cannot say the same thing about Eritrea. Nonetheless we cannot wait until Eritrea is on the same keel with Ethiopia in matters of democracy and other elements which characterize each of the two countries.

It is now a common knowledge that the two fraternal countries Ethiopia and Eritrea have been marooned in no war no peace quagmire. While this situation may be preferable to the possible slaughter of tens of  thousands of young men and women in a useless war, it is nonetheless a situation which cannot  be sustained for long. It may explode into a conflagration any day without notice. It is therefore absolutely necessary to come to some sort of negotiation and settlement without  delay.

In this effort to restore peace kudos is due to the Ethiopian Prime Minister Dr. Abiy for initiating a call for peace which we hope and pray his counterpart President Isayas will reciprocate with similar gesture. It is our fervent hope that the two leaders will totally expunge war as a means for settling conflict between the two fraternal peoples. It is incumbent on all Ethiopians to encourage and support our Prime Minister (my first time in my life to say my Prime Minister) in his effort to bring about peace between these two countries whose destinies are inextricably  intertwined not only by blood but also by geo-political realities prevailing in the region. After all

both are referred to as by some protagonists as “habash”  followed by poisonous reptile.  It is our hope that Eritreans will also stand up and be counted just as their Ethiopian counterparts in favor of peace and brotherhood.

Congratulations is due to the young and not so young people at home and abroad who in recent years have taken up peace and reconciliation as the the only way  out  of the quagmire the two countries have been plunged   into by myopic leaders who could not see beyond the tip of their noses. In this effort I am tempted to mention the indefatigable Prof.Tesfatsion Medhane who from day one has been struggling to bring these countries closer together despite the fact that  so many  anti unity forces were stacked against him.

The dangerous stalemate existing now is the consequence of involving foreigners in the mediation and settlement of the conflict following the 1998-2000 war which claimed  the lives of tens of thousands of young people on both sides. The Algiers Agreement which was brokered by a longtime enemy of Ethiopia Abdelaziz Bouteflika who worked all his life to the dismantlement of Ethiopia in fact widened the chasm instead of closing or narrowing the  gap and bringing them closer. The Agreement and the decision of the Border Commission established by both Eritrea and Ethiopia never addressed vital issues such as giving Eritreans  free access to the vast Ethiopian market and allowing them to  invest in Ethiopia if they wished. The greatest lacuna in the Agreement and decision was however the failure to address Ethiopia’s right of access to the sea through its own port of Assab. While Ethiopia pays more than two billion dollars a year  to Djibouti for port services and its security is always under threat any  agreement for durable peace without addressing the issue of Ethiopia’s access to the sea through its own port is  indeed a pipe dream because no country willingly subjects itself to be asphyxiated within a walking distance to the sea. Ethiopia has the dubious distinction of being the largest landlocked country in the world with the shortest distance to the sea.

The Border Commission indeed delineated the border assigning Badme to Eritrea as per the agreement between Ethiopia and Italy. However Badme had always been under the Ethiopian administration, the people paying tax to the Ethiopian authorities, being represented in the Ethiopian Parliament and  Italian  or Eritrean Government never contesting Ethiopian ownership. Under these situations Eritrea is interdicted from raising the question of ownership  under the legal theory known as “effectivite’” which means one cannot lay a claim to anything it had abandoned for a long time and it has been under use by another person with the knowledge of the original owner. The lawyers representing Ethiopia never raised the matter and therefore the Commission awarded Badme to Eritrea. This is just one example among many where Ethiopia gave away its rights because of poor representation of Ethiopia at the Commission.  The Commission as per the Algiers Agreement was required to delineate and demarcate the border between the two countries. This meant drawing lines on paper showing  the border and planting border markers such as pillars.However Ato Isayas kicked out the UN Peace  Keeping Force which was entrusted with the enforcement and supervision of the work of the Commission. The Border Commission fearing for its safety  followed suit and packed and left the area without demarcating the border as was required by the Algiers Agreement.Therefore the assignment of Badme to Eritrea is not a done deal yet even by the reckoning of the Border Commission.

For lasting peace and for restoring the brotherhood that existed between Ethiopians and Eritreans the Algiers Agreement and the decision of the  Border Commission should be scrapped and denounced by both parties. The Agreement and the Border Commissiondecision were based on illegal colonial treaties which the UN abrogated in 1947, Italy renounced them after its defeat  in war and Ethiopia cancelled them in 1952 by Order 6/1952 published in the Negarit Gazetta. Therefore the Agreement and the Border Decision are ab initio illegal and therefore  null and void. In addition equality of arms between the two countries did not exist as nobody represented Ethiopia’s interest in earnest. In fact Ethiopian representatives objected to the assignment of Tsorena to Ethiopia and forced the judges of the Commission to award it to Eritrea.

Finally Eritrea and Ethiopia should not seek external mediators for settling the conflict they are mired in now. This is a quarrel within a family and as such should be settled by elders and intellectuals of the two countries who  traditionally are quite adept in settling conflicts. While I have full confidence in our Prime Minister I hope Ato Isayas realizes that this is hopefully  a new day in Ethiopia where the interest of the country reigns supreme as opposed to parochial ethnic interest which has been leading our country down a dark alley.

The writer, Dr Yacob Haile-Mariam, can be reached at yacobhm@gmail.com

NY/NJ Ethiopians Task Force

In Amharic, the national language of Ethiopia, “Andargachew” is equivalent to “unify them.” Andy is a beloved hero to millions of Ethiopians who believe that he risked his life fighting to free them from the shackles of a minority regime that established an apartheid-like system designed to control the majority and loot the country. He was determined to sacrifice his life to fight for liberty because he was selfless, caring and passionate about his country and was troubled by deteriorating human rights conditions.Andargachew Tsige, or as many refer to him, “Andy,” left his beloved wife, Yemi, and his three beautiful kids and went back home from London after the fall of the military regime in 1991. He was hoping to participate in the political process and help his country move forward. Soon after, he was stunned by the ignorance, arrogance, recklessness, corruption and brutality of the TPLF leaders that took power, brokered by donor nations including the US and Britain. With a continued hope to bring a democratic system, he joined his compatriot, professor Berhanu Nega, in the Coalition of Unity and Democracy party and participated in the election of 2005, where Ethiopians unequivocally rejected the regime. In a twisted turn of events, he and his friends were thrown into jail by the TPLF for winning elections and the TPLF remained in power illegally via imprisoning, torturing and killing Ethiopians.

While the TPLF crew spent years in the jungle fighting the military junta in the name of freedom, Andy witnessed the fact that they had no clue about freedom. That observation prompted him write a book entitled, “ነጻነት የማያቁ የነጻነት ታጋዮች”, which translates to, “The freedom fighters who have no clue about freedom.” Indeed, TPLF leaders do seem to think like the pigs in animal farm, who thought that if the pigs get all the food and live a good life, then every other animal should be ok. Ethiopians know that the TPLF era is full of restrictions to free press, freedom of expression, freedom of movements, etc. The only thing that became free under the TPLF is death, torture, displacement, corruption and deplorable living conditions for millions of citizens.

As they have tried every peaceful way of protest, Andy and his friend Berhanu Nega understood the motives of TPLF leaders very well. They understood early on that the TPLF will try to strengthen its divide and rule, it will move on to strengthen an ethnocentric regime where the Tigres dominate the economic, political and military power in the country. That was not acceptable to Andy and his friends, and they were determined to give their lives to fight for Ethiopians and their beloved country. They were determined to stop the madness of a minority regime via any means necessary, including political, diplomatic and arms struggle. That was why Andy and his compatriots came together and established the now populous freedom fighting group “Ginbot-7,” which later became “Patriotic Ginbot-7.”

Since its establishment “Ginbot-7” has been a formidable challenge to the TPLF. Along with other politicians and activists, Ginbot-7 leaders were instrumental in exposing TPLF atrocities and the TPLF’s extreme corruptions, including TPLF owned businesses, to the world. They were instrumental in educating Ethiopians in and out of the country about the ill wills of the TPLF regime. It is no secret that corrupt TPLF leaders fear these guys. The TPLF will do anything to stop them. That was what happened on the 23^rd of June 2014. The TPLF payed millions of dollars to officials of another corrupt government, “Yemen,” to abduct Andy from the airport while he was on transit. Even though they were able to abduct Andy, one thing the TPLF did not realize at the time was that it was already too late for them, as Andy has created a movement that is determined to teach the looters the meaning of real freedom.

The sad thing is that those TPLF leaders that are despised and known by most Ethiopians as killers and looters are enjoying the wealth they have taken from poor Ethiopians while the real Freedom Fighter, “Andy,” is languishing in prison. It is not fair to keep the real freedom fighter in prison, while the ones who fought to loot are at large.

We demand that Prime Minster Abiye Ahmed release our hero, Andargachew Tsige, ASAP. Andy deserves his freedom, Andy deserves to be with his family, and more than ever, Ethiopians need Andy to help them defeat the TPLF and obtain freedom and democracy.

Free Andargachew Tsige

Down with the TPLF and Long Live Ethiopia

NY/NJ Ethiopians Task Force (www.ethionynj.com)