This writer was one of the first article contributor on what direction and measures the would be Prime Minster and elected chairman of EPRDF should embark following Dr Abiy Ahmed’s election on 27 March 2018 ( see articles titled: Ethiopia: Agenda for Dr Abiy in goggle search or http://ethioforum.org/ethiopia-agenda-for-dr-abiy-ahmed-by-muluken-gebeyew/ ).
That article was wrote on the early hours following his election as chairman of EPRDF before he assumed the Prime Minster (PM) post and few days earlier before we listen his wonderful and inclusive first speech as PM in the Ethiopian parliament which enshrined most Ethiopians at home and Diaspora in optimistic outlook about the future of our country.
This writer listed 15 points on that article on what Dr Abiy Ahmed as the would be prime minster at that time to consider as the writer believed those points would help to sail safely the complicated challenge our country has been. I am pleased the PM Dr Abiy Ahmed and the new leadership team have started tasking most of the 15 lists I put forward. It seems leadership listen the suggestion of Ethiopians or his ( his team) intended plan coincided with the writer and most Ethiopians quest. Hopefully the remaining list will be implemented during his premiership.
It is very encouraging Dr Abiy chose to travel all over the country to form his own people army which gave him the confidence and immunity from TPLF to progress the change. He made a bold, inclusive, realistic, optimistic and Ethiopian speech which gave the public hope of democracy, unity, reconciliation and revision of the TPLF’s made Ethiopian history. The release of most political prisoners, activists and journalists; the invitation to the banned political organisation to operate in the country and decriminalising the party leaders; engaging the public and intellectuals, reaching out to the Diaspora Ethiopians, helping to unify the Orthodox Christian religious fathers difference and Muslim leaders, forming new relation with neighbour countries and peace agreement with focus of people to people relation with Eritrea in very short period of time are great achievements.
Then we question what should be the next move. Here are some of my thoughts for the next move the leadership team can consider.
The fundamental cornerstone in a fair society or country are peace and stability, justice, fairness and equal opportunity of Citizens. To ensure this, there is a need for personal commitment from new leaders and strong infrastructure installed in the country to keep for longevity.
It is paramount to revisit our culture, values, norms and history to get the wisdoms for fair society. We can also learn from other society and select what is appropriate to Ethiopia’s situation. We should never copy something that doesn’t fit us.
It is important to respect and ensure individual rights in a society. This has been ignored while group rights were superficially acknowledged in the last three decades. Every human being by nature has distinct own feeling, thought and volition. The biology of each individual is distinct. Our DNA is different. This natural reality needs a free medium to express itself. This entails individual freedom and responsibility. People abhor when treated as herd. We have been treated as herd for so many generations.
Individual freedom with responsibility allows people to be creative, productive and attain self potentials. When people understand others right and adhere to self responsibility, fairness would prevail in a society. A fair society ensures justice.
Group right should be respected in a society as there are natural and nurture difference among people. Individuals with similar inclination, value, history and attitude make up groups. It should be acknowledgment of the groups right which is important but not domination of one group against the other. The constitution should be revised in such way that ensure these reality of individual and group rights and responsibility.
We need to build a fair justice system in our country. When justice is ignored, individuals and group rise for change. This can be either in peaceful or destructive way. The infrastructure that ensures justice in modern society should be free from the influence of politicians, rich individuals or dominant groups. The police, prosecutor and the judge and jury system should be established or reformed without the influence of the powerful. The army and security system should be reformed to serve the interest of the nation not that of the politicians on power. Individuals who work in this system should be loyal to the law or constitution the society agreed on.
In a fair society, the weak and poor ones will not be subjected to ill treatment or injustice by the strong and rich ones. We can aim such system provided that we build infrastructures that ensure that.
In a fair and justice prevailing society, peace reigns. Peace doesn’t need arm but human consciousness. That is why we see in many civilised modern society the police in the city doesn’t carry weapon.
It is a must that the educational system in our country should be revised in such away that is positive, fair, solution oriented and crafted in producing a confident graduate who is able to create jobs, not depend on others for jobs. Education is all about bringing change otherwise it is wastage. A learnt and free society can cruise life at its maximum potential.
Rushing for election or forming another government without an infrastructure that ensure peace and stability, fairness, justice and equal opportunity is futile attempt. Unless we have a system that ensues election is genuine and made in fair playing field, it will serve as playing tool for those on power. That was the reality in our country for so many years. Election must be a means for the public to have a say on the way how it is governed. Through election the majority vote can change or maintain the course of a government.
Economic development is one of the vital survival means for Ethiopia. Feeding more than 100 millions people with limited economic activity is a challenge and probably impossible. The economic field should be open to every Ethiopians in private or group capacity. The state can have a role in ensuring a fair system is undergoing and participating in areas where the private sector will not actively participate. Foreign investment can be encouraged in areas that can be beneficial for the society. The financial system should support individual and group creativity, growth, employment and production.
The question of land should get an answer in Ethiopia. It is vital for the economy. Land ownership shouldn’t be left to the state. This has been leading to embezzlement, corruption and favouritism by those on power.
As conclusion, the new leadership has to be commended for most of the progressive change ensured in the short period of time. The new leadership needs support and direction towards the establishment of fundamental political infrastructure in our country in areas of justice, fairness, individual and group right, education and economic sector.
The new leadership should follow wisdom-full approach in tackling the artificial obstacles laid by those who lost the power or influence that attempt to derail the progress by inciting and encouraging violence, lawlessness and fragmentation. Balancing the moral human aspect, reconciliation and justice are essential for our Ethiopia. It is understandable you recognise the minimum requirement of a government is maintaining law and order. Your careful approach is admirable but should be effective and efficient by not allowing gaps.
The youth, the intellectuals and professionals should support the new leadership to ensure those changes we desperately needs for. Political parties of every colour should also actively participate and support the change in such way that a fair and justice system is established in our country. Rushing to election or power sharing without clear political infrastructure laid in the ground will be a futile vicious circle which will not achieve the majority Ethiopians’ desire.
Federalism as an ideology, like socialism, communism and liberalism, is a pragmatic term which refers to the sharing of power among autonomous units and is considered to advocate the values of ‘unity in diversity’ or ‘shared rule and self-rule’ (Watts 2008:1) and to give regions some authority of their own. In his definition of federalism, Watts (2008:9) suggested that a federal system of government is one in which there is a division of power between one general and several regional authorities, each of which acts directly through his own administrative agencies. From the theoretical stand-point, the importance of a federal system, as shared by all political theories of federalism, is the sharing of power among regional states. This division of power may lead to the extinction of tyrannical regimes.
The other reason why a federal form of government is chosen over a unitary form is to accommodate divergent local interests that cannot bear centralised rule (Alemante 2003:85). Owing to this, a federal system of government as a solution was high on the agenda during the early phase of post-colonial politics in Africa as potential ways to reconcile unity and diversity. Unfortunately, however, such attempts ended up being rather short-lived experiments (Erk 2014). Those countries which exercised federal systems for a short while and stopped having them were Congo (1960-1965), Kenya (1963-1965) Uganda (1962-1966) Mali (1959), and Cameroon (1961-1972). Federalism’s track record as a source of instability and secession might well counsel against choosing this form of government for Sub-Saharan African states (Alemante 2003:85). Considering the negative experiences, a number of African countries have ignored a federal system of government. This is because the socio-cultural set-up of the African states is so hybrid in terms of identity, language and religion that the existing social realities might not entertain the federal model. The most striking feature of African identities and communities was their fluidity, heterogeneity and hybridity; a social world of multiple, overlapping and alternate identities with significant movement of peoples, intermingling of communities and cultural and linguistic borrowing (Berman 2010:2).
Notwithstanding such scepticism, three countries in Africa (Ethiopia, South Africa and Nigeria) have chosen a federal form of government so as to accommodate ethnic diversity. But there are significant points of departures among the three federal governments of Africa in their degree given to ethnicity. The Nigerian federal structure is to give legitimacy to territory over ethnicity by distributing the core population of each ethnic group in several states and thus the Nigeria’s federal structure helps avoid the crystallisation of ethnic identity around a particular territory (Alemante 2003:100). The South African constitution-makers rejected the claims of certain ethnic groups to self-governing status on the basis of their distinctive ethnic identity, whereas the organisation of the Ethiopian state is founded upon ethnic federalism, which uses ethnic groups as units of self-government (Alemante 2003:78).
Seen from the perspectives of South Africa’s and Nigeria’s federal structures, Ethiopia’s federal arrangement is highly ethnocentric. Implementing the federal system of government on the idea of ethno-nationalism, as shown in Ethiopia, could worsen the matter. To put the idea more precisely, ethno-nationalism, a belief claiming the distinctiveness of a particular people and their right to self-rule in their homeland, exacerbates community clashes which become tribalism. Therefore, in order to defend a non-ethnic federal system and to promote the welfare of the society, the Ghanaian Constitution (Article 55:4) strictly prohibits any political party organised on the basis of ethnic ground. Contrary to Ghanaian Constitution, the EPRDF’s Constitution encourages the formation of ethnic political party. Owing to this, since the advent of ethnic federalism that politicised tribal identity, there have been a number of conflicts, cases of ethnic cleansing and unspeakable crimes committed against humanity in the country; and all these have taken place without fair responses from the ‘EPRDF/TPLF government’. Ethnic politics generates hostility amongst Ethiopia’s different ethnic groups that hinders group interaction and entails ethnic conflicts. Due to the policy of the ruling party, mutual suspicion and hostility causing ethnic cleansing and conflict are bound to emerge among the various ethnic groups even at the present time.
In light of the above, we, Ethiopians, expect Lemma Megresa’s team or Dr. Abiy Ahmed’s administration to throw the TPLF’s ideology of ethnic federalism and to introduce a new administrative scheme in Ethiopia.
References
Alemante, G. Selassie 2003. Ethnic federalism: Its promise and pitfalls for Africa. The Yale Journal of International Law, 28 (51), pp. 51-107.
Berman, Bruce 2010. Ethnicity and democracy in Africa. Tokyo, Japan International Cooperation Agency Research Institute.
Erk, Jan 2014. Federalism and decentralization in Sub-Saharan Africa: Five patterns of evolution. Journal of African Affairs, 24 (5), pp. 535-552.
Ethiopia 1994. Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. Available from :< http://www.wipo.int/edocs/lexdocs/laws/en/et/et007en.pdf>[Accessed 9 September 2015].
I’ve not yet watched the Press Release (PR) Abiy gave this morning. However, I was given a short clip taken from the PR where he was talking about why mega projects are failing in Ethiopia. He is right on the money. He pinpointed the culprit- the country’s lack of capacity to implement the principles of Project Management.
This is not the first time he was lamenting about it. A couple of months ago, I remember Abiy talking to the business community where he emphasized the need to build the country’s project management capacity. Again, after three months, this is still a ‘deadly’ issue that took a fair amount of his time to explain. I feel him. The country must give it a priority and, most importantly, do something about it.
As someone who has the PMP certification (Project Management Professional) from the globally recognized Project Management Institute (PMI) and a facilitator who conducts project management workshops to some government agencies and major corporations, I fully understand why this competency is very crucial to any organization or nation. My clients invest thousands of dollars not only to empower their project managers alone but also all team members and other stakeholders. It’s not enough just to have well equipped PMP holders and project managers at the top who understand the in and outs of project management. It also takes to introduce the principles of project management to all parties involved so that they may play their respective roles toward the success of the projects they are part of directly or indirectly.
The first place to tackle this challenge, nonetheless, is to increase the awareness of key stakeholders- especially politicians and decision makers- concerning the critical place of project management. It’s easy to come up with ambitious ideas and launching mega projects.
Past governments had failed again and again for the same reason because they just had the ambition. They didn’t have the awareness about the critical roles project management principles play and the importance of building the capacity of the country in this regard. They were launching mega projects without making sure first whether the country has the capacity (the ability to initiate, implement, and monitor, and successfully complete projects). They also lacked the continuous commitment to give it their priority. The latter is very vital. Having the awareness and the capacity to initiate, implement, and successfully completing projects is never enough. The leadership’s commitment throughout the life cycles of these mega projects is imperative.
The good news is that, now, the new PM has the awareness and the political will. What is lacking is taking concrete steps to build the project management competency of the nation one step at a time. Otherwise, without strictly following Project Management principles to initiate, design, implement, monitor, evaluate, and successfully close the ongoing and future projects, the country will continue to suffer and waste its scarce resources.
This is a serious gap and the nation cannot afford to continue to lack this project management capacity and experience continual setbacks. For that matter, the lack of this competency not only endangers resources as mega projects fail and drag their legs, the ongoing change cannot succeed and remain sustainable without the full understanding of Project Management Principles from top to bottom and without building the capability of key stakeholders who initiate, execute, monitor, and evaluate projects.
What is more? The magnitude of the change the new administration intends to implement demands initiating and implementing many small, medium, and large projects within various sectors. Thus, this competency must be given a priority. And therefore, the new administration should begin investing in this desperately needed capacity as soon as possible…
[1] Dr. Assegid Habtewold is the author of Unchain Your Greatness- the book dedicated to Dr. Abiy Ahmed. The book is available on Amazon. Assegid can be reached at ahabtewold@yahoo.com
By: Afrasa Zamanel (Ph.D.) and Messay Dejene (Ph.D.)
The horrendous atrocities the terrorist organization, TPLF, has meted out against Ethiopians, particularly Amaras is unparalleled in history, save the Jewish holocaust. Emboldened by the overt and covert support it received from its handlers, the ethnocentric outfit that represents a mere 5% of Ethiopia’s population invaded Ethiopia in the wake of the collapse of the resented junta which was at the helm of power. Woyanes have perpetrated gruesome atrocities including spates of genocides across the length and breadth of the country with impunity. Kidnapping and assassination even beyond our borders, has been its national pastime. The recent murders of a two patriotic Ethiopians, one, a refugee in South Africa, the other, the distinguished engineer in-charge of the construction of what is touted as the largest dam on the Nile, attest to this fact. The flight of the chief of Woyanes security implicated in the grenade attack to assassinate premier Abiy, speaks volumes about them.
It would be tedious to catalogue the atrocities which the members of this terrorist organization have unleashed against Ethiopians. TPLF/Woyane is perhaps, the first terrorist organization in the world that has concocted a constitution legitimizing the extermination of an entire race, the unsuspecting Amara people. Consequently, it has done away with six million of them.
The threat of secessionists was the very reason why Ethiopians endured the horrible former military regime. They tolerated the brutalities of the military regime which was fighting the dreaded secessionists including Woyanes. As fate would have it, what Ethiopians had dreaded most and have sacrificed much to avert, came to pass. The junta collapsed after 17 years of mismanaging the country, having prepared the ground for the contemptible breed of Yemeni Tigres to invade it.
Ethiopia, thus fell into the hands of secessionists namely, the Eritrean Liberation Front, its brainchild the Tigre Liberation Front and the subservient junior partner, the Oromo Liberation Front.
Ignoring the backgrounds of these constitutionally treacherous people who were brought from Yemen as indentured labourers over a thousand years ago, we allowed them to fester in our midst. We let them entrench so that these virtual aliens could undo our county by ceding Eritrea, dismantling the armed forces, the educational system, the civil service and wreak the fabric of the society by pitting one group against another, and all against Amaras, their former masters. No Ethiopians, ever suspected that the horde of Tigres would prove to be so inimical to everything Ethiopian. Their deliberate and malicious barring of millions our Oromifa-speaking children from learning Amharic, was one of their wanton acts of destruction.
As injustice will always be challenged, the nation’s resolve to deal with the mortal enemies, has begun in earnest. Unbeknown to them, poor Woyane Tigres, have disturbed the hornet’s nest.
Indeed, the brave children of the aggrieved nation are up in arms to liberate their country from these wicked mercenaries who in any other country would be consigned to the gallows for high treason. That is why the struggle to rout out the incorrigible enemies is poised to proceed unrelentingly.
The Amaras, of whom some 6 million have quietly been exterminated at the behest of Tigre Woyanes, are certainly in no mood to brook such incomprehensibly brutal, cowardly and cold-blooded atrocities any longer. Their conduct has shown them to be nothing but an inferior breed of third rate humans, no better than inebriated animals.
Woyanes annexation of neighbouring territories
The greedy horde had no qualms when they invaded others’ lands by violating the inviolable natural boundary, like the Tekezie River. The fascist Tigre Woyane occupation forces in their insatiable desire to plunder, have also annexed territories ranging from the lowest place on earth in Afar, to the highest, in the Amara heartland. And of course, they have not spared regions in between including a big swathe of Wollo.
The Tigre clergy which has desecrated holy institutions, is as Godless, corrupt and rotten as the Woyane thugs themselves. The appointment of the lecherous, late patriarch who ordered the cold-blooded massacre of 29 clerics in Gondar was followed by the murder of some 11 innocent Muslim worshippers in the grand Anwar Mosque. The more recent desecration of Waldiba monastery where its nuns and monks were molested by Tigre rapists, speaks volumes about the nature of these creatures. Their beastly conduct defies description.
Who said Axumite Civilization had anything to do with Tigres?
Axum’s history by the way, is Ethiopia’s history before the advent of Tigres who came from Yemen. On the few occasions TPLF/Woyane’s half-witted Meles Zenawi, spoke the truth, he had admitted Tigres’Yemeni heritage. Yet, he had the audacity to bluntly tell the nation that the glory of Axum had nothing to do with non-Tigreans. This innately perverted grandson of a mercenary cannot be expected to relent to truth. For that matter, Amaras, Agaws, Gammos, Keffas, Sidamas, Somalis, Afars, Wolaita, Kembata, Gurages and other ancient Ethiopians have got a lot more to do with Axum than the Meles’s ‘golden race’, the slaves from Yemen. There is absolutely no reference to Tigres in old Axum or anywhere in the region they now live in
Not that it matters much, but the fact remains that Tigres, have nothing to do with old Axum. For the record, even the appellation, Axum is derived from two Amharic words ‘Ager’ and ”Shum”, meaning the governor of a country. It was our Agaw forebears and Amaras who founded Axum several thousand years before migrant Tigre tribes from Yemen were imported to serve the Ethiopian nobility. In other words, the ancestors of Tigres migrated from Yemen as domestics of Ethiopian kings, several centuries after the Axum obelisks were erected. Therefore, TPLF’s claim to Axumite civilization is a figment of their sterile imagination. Indeed, Tigres are carbon copies of their Yemeni cousins in many ways.
Yemenis and Tigres are the only people in the world who relish locust, that voracious insect, pretty objectionable to people with civilized sensibilities. Both are noted for their brashness, greed, vulgarity and condescending attitude towards women. One of the writers, (AZ) has a first-hand experience, having worked in Yemen for a close to a decade.
Indeed, Meles too had asserted the Yemen origins of Tigres every time he knelt in front of his Arab overlords with his begging bowl during his days as a rebel leader.
Woyanes, the reviled descendants of indentured slaves
Besides, Meles and his TPLF officials are all descendants of unrepentant mercenary Tigres who fought Ethiopians alongside Italians, twice in forty years. The venal lot have also been instrumental in the British invasion of Ethiopia some 150 years ago where they served as porters, spies and guides. True to his uncompromising spirit, the brave Emperor Tewedros, turned his gun on himself instead of surrendering to the contemptible imperialists who entered his empire with the support of Tigres.
Demeqe Zewdu, a reincarnation of Tewedros, is cognizant of this history when he gunned down a host of terrorist Tigres who had come to Gondar in disguise to abduct him two years ago.
Woyane Tigres, according to Gebremedhin Araya, a former member of TPLF, are a repugnant lot sired by despised mercenaries. It is perhaps this blight in Woyane’s past that has created a profound sense of inferiority in them.
The crude, rude and seemingly supremacist outbursts which the rank and file Woyanes used to make until they were recently deflated, emanates from the deep-seated and irrevocable sense of inadequacy. So, no wonder that Meles glibly bragged publicly that he prided himself for having been born to the ‘golden Tigre race’. Although his repugnant utterances have no merit, no Tigre ever rebuffed him.
Woyanes ludicrous claim that Adwa’s victory was theirs alone
The Woyanes are capable of denying even the very obvious. Yes, they had the courage to claim that the victory of Adwa was theirs’s alone. The facts however, are different. We need look no further than just consulting Italian archives to debunk such ludicrous claims.
Ras Mengesha, the leader of Tigray, could not muster to field more than 3,000 men at the battle of Adwa. Yet, at least 70,000 Tigres had been in Italian uniform to fight the motherland. Empress Taitu alone had managed to garner 5,000 men under her command.
In essence, the combat role of Tigres in Adwa was negligible. Of course, the great Ras Alula Abba Negga and Awalom, were more of an exception. The latter, who provided decisive intelligence and Alula will always be remembered in the annals of Ethiopia’s history.
A quick glance at the manpower strength of the combatants, is illustrative. Ras Mekonen of Harar fielded a formidably trained army of 25,000. Wollo’s Ras Michael’s battle-hardened army was in upwards of 16,000 men, including his 5,000 horsemen who mesmerized the Italians with their dazzling display of gallantry.
In short, the victory of Adwa was the sum total of the valour of our ancestors who converged in Adwa from across the whole nation, rallying behind their beloved leader, Menelik. They came from Afar, Arsi, Balle, Benshangul, Gammo Gofa, Wolaita, Gurage, Harar (including Ogaden), Keffa, Begemdir, Simeien, Wollo, Gojam, Welega, Sidamo, Hadiya, Illubabor, Keffa, Kembatta, the mighty Shoa contingent consisting of Amara, Oromo, and Gurages. It was this army of fierce patriots who mowed down the 14,000 or so imperialist invaders in a day. Having done so, they brought glory to the motherland, a glory never ever bestowed upon any people of colour before. Despicable Woyanes have dared to appropriate our glorious victory at the battle of Adwa in which their ancestors had a shameful history. Italian archives reveal that almost all of the Italian black army consisted of treasonous Tigres.
The gallant patriots who fought at Adwa with such courage and valour were none other than Ethiopians whom Menelik had just reunited, some forcefully. Had there been any hostile sentiment towards him, our brave ancestors, the Mekonens, the Gobenas, the Balchas, the Habte Abba Mellas, the Gebeyehus, the Kawo Tonas, the Shogeles, the Morodas, etc would have rebelled against Menelik. But, their loyalty to their monarch was total contrary to renegade Woyanes’ claim.
It is in spite of such glaring evidence that Woyane Tigres and some semi-literate OLF elites like Negaso, the Lencho Lettas etc unjustly demonize the blameless Menelik today.
Tigres’ secession, should be blessing in disguise.
Finally, an honest interrogation of our recent past is necessary to chart our future. Ethiopia’s last fifty years reveals a horrible history riddled with turmoil largely stemming from arid Tigrai although Tigres had been the most privileged entity, judging by all conventional development indices.
Over the last 44 years alone, millions of lives were lost and our country turned destitute. Some of the nation’s brightest sons and daughters perished under the guise of fighting for EPRP, itself, the brainchild of secessionist Tigres. The decades of war which Ethiopia waged to counter the secessionists, has brought the nation nothing but misery. If Ethiopians indeed, knew the horribly vile nature of Woyanes Tigres, they would have said, ‘’good riddance’’, long ago. We hope, Yemen welcomes them!
Woyanes are a perfect enemy. And like their Italian masters they divided our country along spurious linguistic lines, annexed a vast swathe of Afar, Gondar, Wollo and imposed a violent brand of Tigre apartheid.
The TPLF never relented from pursuing its goal of fragmenting a nation of over 100 million Ethiopians, until the current uprising halted it.
Woyanes thrived mainly on the contrived differences of Amaras and Oromos who are in the main, the architects of modern Ethiopia. To galvanize the concocted inter-ethnic hostility, Woyanes conducted a spate of massacres across the whole county. Even on their deathbed, they are busy spilling the blood of Ethiopians through their agents by fanning inter-communal violence. The latest massacre of over 120 Amaras, Oromos, Gurages and others in Ogaden, the destruction of 10 churches and monasteries, as well as the flight of over 10,000 Ethiopians to neighbouring countries in the last couple of days, is a case in point.
At long last, the collapse of the artificial wedge which the enemy Woyane laid between the two largest linguistic groups, the main architects of modern Ethiopia, has fomented the wave of national upheaval. that brought the likes of Abiy Ahmed to the fore. The enemy that has confiscated the lives of many Christians to blame it on Muslims and declared war on our two major religions, the Ethiopian Orthodox Church and Islam, is now on the brink of collapse.
As Ethiopia’s liberation is in the offing, we need to think of the destiny of our country, our children, their children and their grandchildren.
Let us muster the courage to envisage our country, Ethiopia without the racist Woyane Tigres. Tigres have literally seceded in form and substance, as the past 27 years have demonstrated. We believe, Ethiopia’s best interest is served better if Ethiopians humbly bid the ‘golden race’, a gracious farewell.
If 99% of Tigres outside Ethiopia lend support to the Woyanes, it is ludicrous to assume that Tigres living in Ethiopia would be any different. We are not in any way questioning the boundless patriotism of the suppressed minorities in Tigrai such as Kunamas, Erobs etc.
Our plea to fellow Ethiopians is one of realism. We should delightfully accede to TPLF and its constituency, their wish to hoist their own flag, wherever that may be. Of course, the territory they call Tigrai, is the home of the indigenous people of northern Ethiopia, the Agaws, Amaras, the Bejas, as are the recently annexed territories in Afar, Benshangul, Gondar and Wollo.
For Shakespeare’s Hamlet, the question was, “To be or not to be.”
For me, the question is “medemer or not medemer.”
Hamlet, perplexed in the extreme about his own fate, pondered “Whether ’tis nobler in the mind to suffer/ The slings and arrows of outrageous fortune,/ Or to take arms against a sea of troubles/…
I, also perplexed in the extreme about the fate of Ethiopia, ponder why some people who proclaim their love for Ethiopia choose not to help Abiy Ahmed, Lemma Megerssa and Gedu Andargachew as the do all of the heavy lifting in transitioning Ethiopia from dictatorship to democracy.
It appears some people prefer to stand on the sidelines and carp and whine about why the troika have not solved all of Ethiopia’s problems in five months.
If all the whining windbags on the sidelines would put their shoulders to the wheel and noses to the grindstone, it may be possible to solve all of Ethiopia’s problems overnight. But they think they can heave “Poof!” and solve all of Ethiopia’s problems with hot air.
In 2018, Abiy Lemma and Gedu deflected many slings and arrows of outrageous misfortune, prevented a civil war and transformed an Ethiopia in a deep sea of troubles into an Ethiopia in incredible sea-change.
Six months ago, I trembled in cold sweat watching Ethiopia inching to a creeping civil war. Today, I rejoice in the fact that God has smiled on Ethiopia and steered her away from civil war to civil peace, civil government, civility and civil reconciliation.
I give full credit to Abiy Ahmed, Lemma Megerssa and Gedu Andargachew for their extraordinary work in transforming a sure-fire civil war into an abundance of civil peace, despite the diabolical shenanigans of the Forces of Darkness.
In a recent speech, Prof. Mesfin Woldemariam, the stalwart of Ethiopian human rights, said at this moment in Ethiopia’s history, the only question is whether to help Abiy Ahmed, Lemma Megerssa and their team or to forfeit the chance and once again face the abyss.
Over the past several months, I have been asking the same question in a different form: Ask not what Abiy Ahmed, Lemma Megerssa and Gedu Andargachew can do for Ethiopia, ask what you can do for Ethiopia.
In other words, both I and Prof. Mesfin are asking everyone to share in the heavy lifting by doing our small part. We are asking everyone to practice what Abiy Ahmed calls “Medemer” or help each other as a core element of our Ethiopiawinet.
The enormous job of building the New Ethiopia is the responsibility of 100 million Ethiopians, not three individuals.
If only we could all pile up (“Medemer”) and do our little parts for the greater good of Ethiopia!
Ethiopians have an old saying. “If spiders’ web could be made into twine, it could tie up a lion.” If thousands of spiders could come together for a common purpose (“Medemer) and work together, they could snag and bag that big ole king of the jungle.
If 100 million Ethiopians could only lend each other a hand (“Medemer”), they could uplift not only their country but also the world.
“Medemer” means to help each other. To help means to give a hand, not a handout but a hand up.
We have so much strength in our hands to help each other.
We pack enormous kinetic energy when we make a fist by simply bringing those puny fingers into a fist.
Ten fingers working together (“Medemer”) can change the world for good or bad. The surgeon holding a scalpel in his fingers saves life. The trigger finger on a gun takes life. The fingers of the artist, author and musician create beauty. The demagogue wags his finger to sow conflict and discord.
When 5 puny fingers come together (“Medemer”), they make a powerful fist. When 10 fingers multiplied 100 million times come together, they can lift up a country.
That is what Abiy Ahmed’s “Medemer” means to me. One billion fingers coming together to lift up Ethiopia out of the miry pit poverty, disease, ignorance and ethnic division and hate.
I hear the nattering nabobs of negativism downplay “Medemer” as “just a political slogan. It does not mean anything.” They are missing the point.
“Medemer” is simply practicing the principle of inclusiveness.
In South Africa, they call their inclusiveness “Ubuntu” (I am because you are.” In other words, you are part of me and what happens to you affects me too.) For Mandela, Ubuntu is the “profound sense that we are human only through the humanity of others; that if we are to accomplish anything in this world it will in equal measure be due to the work and achievement of others.”
As far as I am concerned, Abiy Ahmed’s “Medemer” is no different than Mandela’s Ubuntu. “Medemer” is all about cooperation, collaboration, consultation, common cause, give-and take, partnership, alliance-building, team work, giving a hand up and creating synergy for the common good.
“Medemer” is also rooted in MLK’s idea of “solidarity and concern for the good of others” because we “are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality.” Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., said:
We must all learn to live together as brothers or we will all perish together as fools. This is the great issue facing us today. No individual can live alone; no nation can live alone. We are tied together. We are tied together in the single garment of destiny, caught in an inescapable network of mutuality. And whatever affects one directly affects all indirectly. For some strange reason I can never be what I ought to be until you are what you ought to be. This is the way God’s universe is made; this is the way it is structured.”
To me, that is all “Medemer” is all about: Being tied together in the single garment of destiny and being caught in an inescapable network of mutuality.
The alternative is to perish together as fools. How closely we came to perishing together as fools!
When we practice “Medemer”, we will be doing what Dr. King decreed: Walk together, work together, go to jail together, celebrate together, cry together, laugh together, pray together, sing together, and live together in peace until that day when all God’s children – Amhara, Oromo, Tigray, Somali, Gurage, Wolayita, Sidama, Afar and the other 75 or more groups of the Ethiopian family — will rejoice in one common band of humanity.
When we practice the inclusive politics of “Medemer”, in the poetic words of James Weldon Johnson, we
Lift every voice and sing,
Till earth and heaven ring,
Ring with the harmonies of Liberty;
Let our rejoicing rise
High as the list’ning skies,
Let it resound loud as the rolling sea.
Sing a song full of the faith that the dark past has taught us,
Sing a song full of the hope that the present has brought us;
Facing the rising sun of our new day begun,
Let us march on till victory is won…
When we develop a robust culture of inclusiveness, our identity becomes our humanity. We focus on what makes us human, and not a member of an ethnic group, religion or region.
When we practice “Medemer”, we rise up from our narrow ethnicity to our inclusive humanity or Ethiopianity.
When we practice inclusiveness or Ethiopiawinet, we no longer think in terms of “I, me, mine”. We scale up to think about “We, us, ours” as human beings bound in a single garment of destiny called the New Ethiopia.
It is by being inclusive that we can create a peaceful and harmonious society where everyone feels they belong, which means they feel included.
When everyone feels included and becomes part of the Ethiopian family, “Medemer” becomes our song of faith, of hope, of freedom, of democracy, of equality, of justice.
“Medemer” ushers in our new day, our New Ethiopia, before the rising sun and becomes our anthem, not a slogan, as we march till victory is won.
Prof. Mesfin Woldemariam: The question is to help or not to help Abiy Ahmed, Lemma Megerssa and Team Abby-Lemma?
When Prof. Mesfin Woldemariam talks, most of us listen, and not necessarily because we agree with him. Many who disagree with him also listen. For many, he has been a teacher in the classroom and for many more an advocate-teacher in the courtroom of public opinion.
To me, before he was a university professor, he was a professional dissenter. He has lived the hard, onerous and intellectually lonely life of the dissenter always speaking his truth to users, abusers, misusers and losers in power.
During his 88 years on the planet, all of the powers that be in Ethiopia have wagged their index fingers at him, clenched their fist in his face and pushed and shoved him in and out of jail. Like the indefatigable camel, he kept on walking. He kept on talking, teaching, preaching and outreaching as the dogs of state kept on barking and baring their teeth at him.
I was brought to tears when he told a gathering a few days ago [translated by author]:
… It is after such a long time that I have been invited to appear at a gathering like this. I am not the kind of person who is invited to attend gathering like this. The fact that I am invited to this event is testament to how much Ethiopia has changed. I thank you [for inviting me] not privately for myself but for Ethiopia. All of you who are here, just like me, perhaps are not the type who would have been invited to attend such a gathering. Today, we are here and so has Ethiopia.
The question now is how do we create an Ethiopia in which all of us will live in dignity, live peacefully, live proudly as Ethiopians. We are the ones who can make her so. To achieve this, we must purge self-centeredness from our character… We must unite and if do we will not go to bed hungry.
These days I have seen things I have not seen in my life. I am 88 years old. I have seen many governments since the time of the Italian invasion [1935]. Until this time when God has sent us the two people, Abiy Ahmed and Lemma Megerssa, whom I believe are Godsend to us from Heaven, [I had little hope]. These people have ideas, spirits and objectives they want to plant in the country. We must join them (Medemer) and strive to plant the same ideas, spirit and objectives. That is the question now. There is no other question. There is no question of self-centeredness. How do we help these people who have come with new aims plant their objectives in Ethiopia? How do we help them so that what they are doing lasts a long time, for our children and grandchildren? That is the question. We must help them plant those ideas and objectives for all Ethiopian citizens, not ethnicities. Personally, for however long time I have, I don’t know if I have one or two years, I pledge to help these people by doing everything I can do…
Prof. Mesfin and myself are arguably the first out of the gate in the human rights advocacy community to fully endorse and defend PM Abiy Ahmed.
In an Amharic commentary on April 22, 2018, Prof. Mesfin explained:
… Abiy is just starting. As he said himself, he is beginning to do his first task. He is just taking his first steps. Let alone running, he is barely walking. But it appears there are many standing in the shadows to ambush him. I believe he is crisscrossing the country to save our people from dangerous intrigues. In my estimation, those who are expressing bitter opposition against him could be transformed into becoming his supporters…
How true. Those who opposed Abiy Ahmed in the beginning are today his die-hard fans and cheerleaders.
I gave PM Abiy Ahmed my unconditional support in my 6,755-word open letter six days after he took office.
I supported him because I knew he would be facing a gathering storm of doubt, condemnation, skepticism, fear mongering, criticism, baseless accusations and enmity. I knew he needed help and fast. That is why I assured him from day 1, I have his back.
I also gave him a couple of useful pieces of advice I have followed in my life.
One advice comes from Mark Twain, the great American writer and humorist who said, “It’s not the size of the dog in the fight that determines the outcome, it’s the size of the fight in the dog.” That is how David defeated Goliath. Abiy too can prevail.
In my second piece of advice, I told him to heed an old adage about the devil and the storm. To those who say you are not strong enough to weather the storm, I want you to tell them, “I am the storm”. To those who do not believe you are the storm, tell them, “I am the calm in the eye of the storm.” To those who do not believe that, tell them, “Just wait and see Cheetahs raining down on you.”
Over the past seven months, Stormin’ Abiy has changed so many things, my head spins just thinking about it all.
Why we must help Abiy Ahmed, Lemma Megerssa and Gedu Andargachew (Team Abiy) in the heavy lifting to bring democracy to Ethiopia
Reason No. 1: To put it bluntly, Team Abiy is the best hope we have right now for freedom, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia. No question about it!
There are many politicians who talk big and blow smoke.
Abiy, Lemma and Gedu talk the talk and walk it too!
Seven months ago, Ethiopia was on the verge of civil war. Today, Ethiopia is basking in civil peace and freedom.
Reason No. 2: Team Abiy saved the day. They saved us from the Day of Armageddon. They saved us all by preaching love and teaching us we must take the path of forgiveness and reconciliation because the other path leads only to destruction. We could have been cursed with rabble-rousers who preach the philosophy of “an eye for an eye”. If we had sought revenge instead of reconciliation, today Ethiopia would be a nation of 100 million blind people. Instead, we have 100 million bright-eyed people who believe Ethiopia’s best days are yet to come!
Reason No. 3: Team Abiy is knocking down walls and building bridges. They are busting down the kilil mud walls one mud brick at a time.
In January 2011, I predicted, “When the mud walls of African dictatorships come tumbling down, the palaces of illusion behind those walls will vanish without a trace.” If Ethiopians and the rest of Africa is to have “hope of a better future, they will need to build a fortress of freedom impregnable to the slings and arrows of civilian dictators and the savage musketry of military juntas.”
In February 2013, I predicted how the end would come when the mud walls of ethnic dictatorship in Ethiopia come tumbling down.
The mud walls of dictatorship in Ethiopia have been exhibiting ever expanding cracks since the death of the arch architect of dictatorship Meles Zenawi sometime last summer. The irony of history is that the question is no longer whether Ethiopia will be like Humpty Dumpty as the ‘king’ and ‘king’s men’ have toiled to make her for two decades. The tables are turned. Despite a wall of impregnable secrecy, the ‘king’s men and their horses’ are in a state of disarray and dissolution. They lost their vision when they lost their visionary. The old saying goes, ‘in the land of the blind, the one-eyed man is king.’ Well, the king is no more; and the ‘king’s men and horses’ are lost in the wilderness of their own wickedness, intrigue and deception.
Are the Forces of Darkness today lost in the wilderness of their own wickedness, intrigue and deception?
In January 2013, I also predicted the rise of a new generation of Chee-Hippo bridge builders. I wrote the Cheetah (Abo Shemane, younger) generation of Abiy, Lemma and Gedu shall join hands with my Hippo (older) generation to “build bridges to connect people seeking democracy, freedom and human rights. They will build bridges across ethnic canyons and connect people stranded on islands of homelands (kilils). They will bridge the gulf of language, religion and region. They build bridges to link up the rich with the poor. They build bridges of national unity to harmonize diversity. They build bridges to connect the youth at home with the youth in the Diaspora. Chee-Hippos will build social and political networks to empower youth.
I believe that is exactly what is happening today. Chee-Hippos tearing down mud walls and building steel bridges.
Why I will help Team Abiy to the best of my ability
I have no political ambitions. Over the past 13 years, I have declared many times that I have nothing but contempt for those who hunger and thirst for power.
I support Abiy, Lemma and Gedu because they believe and practice the politics of inclusion.
I abhor the politics of exclusion, division, discrimination, dehumanization, repression and personal destruction.
I shall help them because I share their core beliefs.
First and foremost, they, like me, believe in EthiopiaWINet. We do not believe in EthiopiawiNOT.
In January 2012, I declared, “Choose your humanity before your ethnicity and nationality.”
But when my Ethiopiawinet was challenged, I taught the Forces of Darkness the meaning of Ethiopiawinet.
I believe I am the first person to ever issue a personal proclamation (of 5,544 words) declaring myself, “I, PROUD ETHIOPIAN” when my Ethiopiawinet was challenged by the Forces of Darkness.
Second, like me, Abiy, Lemma and Gedu believe in the rule of law. I was proud to see Prime Minster Abiy Ahmed yesterday teaching members of the press the practical meaning of rule of law. He said no one will be deprived of his/her right except with strict adherence to the rule of law. That is due process.
When he was asked about the delay in the release of information to the public on the status of the investigation of the June 23 bombing, PM Abiy demonstrated to the world that he means what he says and says what he means when he talks about the rule of law. He made no mention of those accused but discussed the professional aspects of the police investigative process.
Compare that with the rule by law of Meles Zenawi.
During the “terrorism” trial of Swedish journalists Johan Persson and Martin Schibbye in 2011, Meles Zenawi declared,
They are, at the very least, messenger boys of a terrorist organization. They are not journalists. Why would a journalist be involved with a terrorist organization and enter a country with that terrorist organization, escorted by armed terrorists, and participate in a fighting in which this terrorist organization was involved? If that is journalism, I don’t know what terrorism is.
Shortly thereafter, Persson and Schibbye were convicted and handed a long prison term.
PM Abiy, knowing full well that the suspects tried to kill him and were caught red handed, said absolutely nothing about their case because he knows the applicable rule of law, Art. 20(3) of the Ethiopian Constitution: “Accused persons have the right to be presumed innocent until proved guilty according to law.”
Third, like me, they believe in the power of love, nonviolence, forgiveness and reconciliation. In my very first public statement in July 2006, I declared, “I believe we prove the righteousness of our cause not in battlefields soaked in blood and filled with corpses, but in the living hearts and thinking minds of men and women of good will.” For me, from day 1, it has been a struggle for hearts and minds of Ethiopian men and women of good will. It has been about truth and reconciliation, first and foremost, in hearts and minds.
No one has ever won the hearts and minds of the people by using hate, violence and revenge.
But Abiy Ahmed has won the hearts and minds of the Ethiopian people by preaching love, nonviolence, forgiveness and reconciliation. I challenge anyone to disprove me on this point!
When the power of love overcomes the love of power, Ethiopia shall have peace and not civil war, thanks to Abiy Ahmed!
Fourth, like me, they believe in inclusion. Having lived in America for nearly fifty years, I never felt excluded because I included myself in anything I wanted. In that, I felt like Ayn Rand’s character (founder of Objectivism, which champions individuality and self-reliance) in one of her novels who resonates the view, “The question isn’t who is going to let me; it’s who is going to stop me.” That is how I began my career of speaking truth to power where ever they may be.
Long before Barack Obama declared it, I practiced and lived the politics of inclusion in my life: “There is not a liberal America and a conservative America—there is the United States of America. There is not a Black America and a White America and Latino America and Asian America—there’s the United States of America.”
That is exactly my politics of inclusive Ethiopiawinet. There is not an Oromoo Ethiopia, an Amhara Ethiopia, a Tigray Ethiopia… There is only ETHIOPIAWINET!
Fifth, I must confess Abiy, Lemma and Gedu are better than me. They are humble, unpretentious, soft-spoken, patient, modest, sincere and tolerant. That is great because I can learn so much from them. After seeing them in action, I have come down from my high horse and become one with the people of Ethiopia.
Dr. King said, “Every man must decide whether he will walk in the light of creative altruism or the darkness of destructive selfishness. Life’s most persistent and urgent question is, ‘What are you doing for others’?”
Nelson Mandela taught pretty much the same thing. “What counts in life is not the mere fact that we have lived. It is what difference we have made to the lives of others that will determine the significance of the life we lead.”
Every day, I see Abiy, Lemma and Gedu leading by example working for Ethiopian unity, peace and reconciliation.
We know what Abiy, Lemma and Gedu are doing for Ethiopia. The question for all of us is, “What are we doing for our people? What positive difference are we making in their lives?”
My plea to the Hippo Generation to support Abiy Ahmed, Lemma Megerssa and Gedu Andargachew
I plead with those in my Hippo (older) Generation to rise up and help the Cheetah (Abo Shemane) Generation of Abiy Ahmed, Lemma Megerssa and Gedu Andargachew as they do all of the heavy lifting in transitioning Ethiopia from dictatorship in democracy.
I make my plea because I do not want our history to repeat itself.
I have this nagging, gnawing fear of history repeating itself in Ethiopia: We never miss an opportunity to miss an opportunity!
I shall paraphrase President Abraham Lincoln’s speech to Congress in December 1862, a month before he issued the Emancipation Proclamation, in making my closing argument:
Fellow-Ethiopians. We cannot escape history. We of the older generation will be remembered in spite of ourselves. No personal significance, or insignificance, can spare one or another of us. The fiery trial through which we pass, will light us down, in honor or dishonor, to the younger generation. We say we are for Ethiopia. The world will not forget that we say this. We know how to save Ethiopia. The world knows we do know how to save it. We hold the power and bear the responsibility.
Today, we shall nobly save, or meanly lose, the last best hope for peace, reconciliation and a bright future for Ethiopia. Other means and men and women may succeed. But this blessed journey we have begun with Abiy Ahmed, Lemma Megerssa and Gedu Andargachew cannot and must not fail because failure is not an option for us!
We MUST help and support Abiy Ahmed, Lemma Megerssa and Gedu Andargachew with all our hearts and minds!
Ethiopia’s destiny is in our hands
The solution to our problems is in each of our hands.
If we want to defeat our deadly enemies — poverty, disease, ignorance, ethnic division, strife and hate – once and for all, we must be inclusive, not exclusive, divisive, isolative, discriminative or destructive.
Legend has it that a little boy once caught a small bird and took it to an old man to trick him. He put the bird in his cupped palms and asked, “Old man, can you guess what I have in my hands?” The old man replied, “You have a bird, my son.” The boy, disappointed he could not trick the old man followed up, “If you’re so smart, now tell me is this bird alive or dead?”
The old man paused for a while because he knew if he said the bird is alive, the boy would squeeze his hands and crush the little bird to death. If he said the bird is dead, then the boy would just open his hands and let the bird fly free. The old man replied, “Well, that is entirely up to you, my son. After all, the bird is in your hands.”
Ethiopia’s destiny is entirely in our hands, NOT in the hands of Abiy Ahmed, Lemma Megerssa and Gedu Andargachew.
Ethiopia will live or die based on what we do with our hands.
If we want Ethiopia to live forever and thrive, we have to give Abiy Ahmed, Lemma Megerssa and Gedu Andargachew a hand up in the heavy lifting.
We must join hands with them (Medemer) and lift Ethiopia out of poverty, disease, ignorance, ethnic strife and hatred.
We MUST all practice “Medemer” to let Ethiopia become free as a bird!
Medemer today.
Medemer tomorrow.
Medemer forever!
About Al Mariam
Prof. Alemayehu “Al” G. Mariam,
Professor Alemayehu G. Mariam teaches political science at California State University, San Bernardino. His teaching areas include American constitutional law, civil rights law, judicial process, American and California state governments, and African politics. He has published two volumes on American constitutional law, including American Constitutional Law: Structures and Process (1994) and American Constitutional Law: Civil Liberties and Civil Rights (1998). He is the Senior Editor of the International Journal of Ethiopian Studies, a leading scholarly journal on Ethiopia. For the last several years, Prof. Mariam has written weekly web commentaries on Ethiopian human rights and African issues that are widely read online. He blogged on the Huffington post at http://www.huffingtonpost.com/alemayehu-g-mariam/ and later on open.salon until that blogsite shut down in March 2015.
Prof. Mariam played a central advocacy role in the passage of H.R. 2003 (Ethiopia Democracy and Accountability Act of 2007) in the U.S. House of Representatives in 2007. Prof. Mariam also practices in the areas of criminal defense and civil litigation. In 1998, he argued a major case in the California Supreme Court involving the right against self-incrimination in People v. Peevy, 17 Cal. 4th 1184, cert. denied, 525 U.S. 1042 (1998) which helped clarify longstanding Miranda rights issues in California criminal procedure. For several years, Prof. Mariam had a weekly public channel public affairs television show in Southern California called “In the Public Interest”. Prof. Mariam received his Ph.D. from the University of Minnesota in 1984, and his J.D. from the University of Maryland in 19
I have come to realize over the past decades that the terrorist Woyanne party and its Killil concept was too intellectually bankrupt, morally corrupt and offensive to Ethiopians. This murderous concept of statecraft was directly borrowed from the racist and Fascist Italian colonizers of our country. It cannot be reformed, and must be changed now to effect a sense of shared citizenship and nationality among all Ethiopians. Ethnicty based propagandists and agitators of hate must be banned and punished by law. Along with my distinguished colleagues, I have tried to expose and explain the oppressive apartheid characteristics of the TPLF ethnocentric system of killilization agenda on the pages of our erstwhile journal, The Ethiopian Register. Specifically, what was happening was not a democratization process at all, but an inntergenerational scheme of oppression and exploitation. Now this fact has become crystal clear to all.
The trouble with lying and deceiving is that their efficiency depends until a grasp of the clear notion of the truth (promoting uninterrupted ethnic animosities/strife among Ethiopians, and advancing the intended plunder & dismemberment of Ethiopia in favor of a ‘greater Tigrai’) and what the liar and deceiver wishes to hide behind, by using such prestigious code terms as “federalism”, “democracy” etc. Once this hoax is revealed, it is game over. Empty and fake terms such as tehadiso are replaced by “deeper tehadiso” and even national “uplift” by the cornered Woyanne. This kind of verbal deception, however, can be maintained only, and only until the precise moment when the facts became incontrovertible (undeniable) to all , as happened in the last two or three years in Ethiopia.
Both the TPLF party and its leadership are genocidal fascist Banda offsprings whose instinct to dominate, steal and murder perceived opponents is engraved in their political DNA. Their greed is deep-seated. Everything they own has been looted from the suffering Ethiopian people. At the root of their kleptocratic system, there exists the divisive structures of apartheid walls, they have imposed on the Ethiopian people. These must be removed immediately, in order to restore a sense of common Ethiopian citizenship and to prepare citizens to partake in the nationwide democratic elections, which PM Abiy has promised would take place in two years. In one stroke, this act would solve the existential plight of populations in Wolkaite, Korem (Afla), Raya, as well as Afar, Bale, Harergey,Assosa, Gumuz among others. This policy move would have the additional benefit of changing the country’s political discourse. A further entrenchment of the ethnic categorization of citizens could well lead to catastrophic disaster.
In sum, apartheid is a quintesential system of minority and supremacist domination. It is how a criminally organized and well armed, minority ethnic/racial group can wield power and dominate over an effectively disenfranchised and fractured or “minoritized” majority. In Ethiopia’s case around 6% of the population is entitled to the spoils of office and the lion’ s share of the economy. This heinous system has been condemned internationally for rationalizing and commissioning untold crimes against humanity in the name of politics. It is basically a criminal enterprise designed for dealing with occupied populations. It is obviously man-made and in Mandela’s words it can be removed by the actions of human beings. As such, PM Abiy and Co. owe it to themselves to free Ethiopians from the dead hands of this evil and criminal system. PM Abiy please bring down these walls of apartheid now!
I dedicate this column to TPLF Woyane whose action of using citizenship as a weapon made some of us appreciate the value of freedom. Thank you ሕ ወ ሐ ት for making us love Ethiopia.
Ethiopians are flocking back home. It is the exodus in reverse. For forty years or so we were pouring out of our country and going far and away from our home. At the beginning it was the young and educated that dared to venture out of the hidden empire. Our country is not known for its travelers. The few that left the country during the Emperor’s time were sent out to go to school. Staying away was not considered an option. The Derg changed that. It compelled the best and the brightest to leave and they did in droves.
Meles Zenawi and the TPLF mafia mitigated the second exodus. It began with the clearing of highly respected educators and administrators from the University. The violent 2005 election proved to the young that Ethiopia is no place to live. It was like a dam broke. All of a sudden sightings of Ethiopians was reported from Africa to the Middle East and even far away Australia. We poured out with a vengeance. No one was spared. The parents followed after their children settled in the new land. The last forty years we have managed to build settlements on every continent. We have built homes and families that try to mimic our old life.
We did not turn our face or give our back to good old Ethiopia. In fact to some the fight to take back the country never stopped. How and why we left is complicated but it is mostly because home became a dangerous place. Be it political oppression, religious differences, lack of economic opportunity or a need for higher education any place looked better than home. Lately the civil war in Yemen, the slave trade in Libya or the desert of Sahara was not a hindrance our young victims that took the high risk rather than submit to Woyane. We have no clue to how many perished without trace in all these conflict zones and lawless locations.
Many never set foot back home for many decades. The reverse trip we are witnessing today is not because our country has prospered and improved the life of the citizen. Unemployment is rampant, schools including the colleges are a joke and inflation has become our companion. The only thing that has changed is the politics. Saying the politics does not explain it all but it will do for now. After all it is still EPRDF in control of state power. We have a new Prime Minister and the same Central Committee elected him. What is different here is that up until now TPLF that is just one member of the coalition has been in total control and three months ago the majority rejected the candidate they groomed to take over the position. Dr. Abiy of OPDO was elected
The absence of TPLF Woyane in power or lurking behind a figurehead they installed is what is different today. The PM has approached his job a little differently. He seems to believe the carrot approach to be better than the stick option. He has removed the famous ‘terrorist’ law that was a favorite of Woyane dogs brought out to charge citizens from traffic violation to trying to overthrow the regime. Dr. Abiy also lifted the restrictions against the free press and stopped Internet blocking. This is what has exited the Diaspora and celebrating the New Year in Ethiopia without ugly Woyane around is what is causing a brain melt Watching tears of happiness flowing, the bright smiles mixed with uncontrolled dancing and joy when families meet after many years apart is a special moment we are fortunate enough to witness. .
It is sad to see some instead of using this historical occasion as a ‘teachable moment’ attempting to throw shade and negative energy at our victory celebration. I am referring to two speeches that were made by the President and VP of Tigrai Kilil Dr. Debretsion and W/O Fetlework. There is no question the two honorable leaders are not familiar with facts on the ground or refuse to see the writing on the wall. Today Ethiopia is trying to come to terms with the many illegal, criminal, and lawbreaking activities carried out by the TPLF party that ruled for twenty-seven years.
Everyday the free media is full of horror stories committed by the mafia outfit. Torture including removing nails, electric shocks, hanging, urinating in prisoners mouth, beatings, sleep deprivation, rape, inserting blunt objects etc. etc. No need to go on. It was committed by order and full knowledge of TPLF Politburo. The victims are appearing live on television and testifying to time, place and names of Woyane individuals that are responsible. The amount of money looted from our banks and treasury is mind-boggling and it is not even the tip of the iceberg. Those hiding in Mekele are all aware of everything that is being said and exposed today. They are doing what they are used to doing for thirty years. Deny, deflect and find someone, something to blame. I told you they are not capable of learning or empathy. That is why they did what they did.
Dear Woyane misfits, we apologize for the high traffic at Bole International it is due to all those you chased away returning. And the noise you hear all the way in Mekele is the singing, dancing and tears of joy by their families and loved ones. They are coming back because you are not there, well physically you occupy space but spiritually you have been beaten to a pulp. Praise the Lord.
Both leaders evoked the term ‘Enkebaber’ (አንክከባበር) I have a feeling they are not clear on what it means. That term is even enshrined in the UN Charter that our ancient nation is founder and signatory of. The Charter“reaffirmed faith in fundamental human rights, and dignity and worth of the human person” and committed all member states to promote “universal respect for, and observance of, human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion”.
TPLF ሕ ወ ሐ ት did not abide by the charter. The organization routinely assassinated, tortured and imprisoned citizens without charge or made up charges. All this can be proven in any court in the world. They disrespected Ethiopians. Why they think we do not respect them is not clear yet. They are the ones that caused the agony but today they are working hard to appear as the victims. They started singing that tune about a year ago. Their children passed resolutions in their ethnic organizations all over the world decrying perceived threat. That is like putting the cart in front of the horse. Acting victim before the so-called crime is something a Woyane brain will come up with. The intellectuals from the kilil have chosen not to condemn what was done in their name. All I could do is quote MLK who said, “In the end, we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends.”
Ethiopia’s children are returning home. Their absence was a dark cloud hanging over our country. No one should be kept out of his homeland. Well as usual we are flipping disaster into victory. The children are coming back smarter, calmer, tolerant, loving and most of all wealthier. It was all achieved through hard work and honest living. Woyane used to attract the ugliest and the loser amongst us to come and invest on stolen land. Today’s returnees are different. They are bringing value to our country. They could be considered lost treasure found. They are Dr. Abiy’s building block for the future Ethiopia.
I saved the best for last. The most precious of the returnees are the people of Arbenoch Ginbot 7. What makes them a head taller than the rest is the approach they took to solving the Woyane problem. They married theory and practice. They gave new life to the struggle. Led by Professor Berhanu, AG7 took a step-by-step approach towards weakening the TPLF machinery from different angles. The relationship with Eritrea was a brilliant move. The organization boldly showed its capacity for ‘realpolitik’. Practicality was chosen over idealism. It allowed the group to move beyond organization and diplomatic activities towards the military field. It gave Ethiopian activists an outlet to raise the struggle to a higher level. It increased Woyane’s insecurity. AG7 made Ethiopians stand tall.
How do you welcome such heroes? That question has been discussed throughout Ethiopia. The cells that have been organized throughout the country the last few years are today operating in the open for the most part. They are leading the discussion to welcome their comrades and leaders. I don’t envy their task.
There is not much our people have not done to express their newfound freedom, the disappearance of Woyane hyenas and share the joy in spectacular manner. Bahir Dar came up with 500 feet flag without the foreign symbol and that got Woyane twisted like a pretzel. Well Konso did one thousand feet and we were delirious. Not too fast said Arba Minch and unfurled a one thousand five hundred
feet river of a flag. Woyane suffered a mental breakdown and the kilil president was rushed to a hospital. I am afraid AG7 welcome celebration will deal a deathblow to the hapless organization that is on life support and being moved to Khartoum for rehab. No one expects TPLF to survive.
The indigenous peoples of Southwest Ethiopia have long endured suffering under various Ethiopian autocratic leaderships, since the reign of Menilik II. The plundering and monopolization of resources by highly centralized government in Addis Ababa; the continuation conquering of the indigenous land without their prior free consent; the deprivation of their social and economic development; and the institutional racism embedded in the governance system continuous to threaten and deny the rights of the indigenous population to utilize their ancestral land.
Despite that Southwestern Ethiopia’s endowed with abundant natural resources, it has remained the most remote and underdeveloped region in Ethiopia due to the lack of good governance and responsive political directions. As the results, indigenous populations estimated to be 18-20 million become subjects to absolute poverty and constant atrocities under highly centralized Ethiopian regimes rule.
The new political reform in Ethiopia offers an opportunity to address the concern of the perpetual insecurity, land grabs and occupation, identity crises, and marginalization faced by the indigenous tribes in the southwest Ethiopia. In response, the Southwestern opposition parties have deeply realized the importance of solidarity and unity to collectively contain the growing atrocities and socio-political conditions in this region in particular, and in Ethiopia in general. The unity is in the realization to embrace peace, justice, freedom, and prosperity for the indigenous peoples to accelerate the democratic principles for sustainable development in the Southwestern and Ethiopia in general. It is understood that every indigenous tribe in the Southwest Ethiopia cannot contain alone the growing political and socio-economic crises unless they unite to act together while building the nation peacefully.
For these reasons therefore, the Southwest Ethiopia Indigenous Peoples Democratic Movement (SWE-IPDM) was formed as a joint venture socio-political movement to address and eliminate collectively the overhanging atrocities and grand human rights abuses facing the indigenous populations of southwest Ethiopia. The movement covers the populations of the Gambella region, Kaffa and Shekecho zone, Bench Maji Zone, with the potential of reaching-out to the Benishangul-Gumuz region, the South Omo zone, and others. The SWE-IPDM will commit itself to address the insecurity, land grabs, ethnic cleansing conflicts and mass killings, underdevelopment, and lack of justice and freedom of the indigenous peoples of Southwest Ethiopia, as inspired to participate in building the ideals of “a diversified-united, God-fearing, non-racial, corruption-free, peaceful, inclusive and democratic Ethiopia” through self-rule and highly devolved government system.
The founding parties include the Gambella Nilotes United Movement (GNUM) envisioned by the Southwestern Ethiopia Nilotic Omotic Peoples Independent Movement (SENPIM), and the Southwest Ethiopian Peoples Union (SWEPU), the Shekecho People for Justice and Democratic Movement (SPJDM), with potential of reaching-out to the South Omo Zone, and the Benishangul-Gumuz region who have expressed their great interests, opinions and blessings to be part of the movement.
The formation of SWE-IPDM strongly lays its legal foundations in the provisions of the UN and EU Declarations of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in which the indigenous tribes of the south western Ethiopia have their rights to security and Self-Determination from excessive internal exploitative relationships and occupation given the fact that Ethiopia has been part of the international agreements and it has obligation to abide with the international rules as stipulated below:
The provisions on the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) of which Ethiopia ratified on June 11/1993, citing of “no case may a people be deprived of its own means of subsistence”. The provisions on the International Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) of which Ethiopia ratified on June 23/1976, confirming that “government in failure to recognize and respect indigenous customary land tenure are guilty of racial discrimination, and call the state to recognize and protect the rights of indigenous peoples to own, develop, control, and use communal lands, territories and resources, and where they have been deprived of their lands and territories of traditionally owned, or otherwise inhabited or used without their free and informed consent, to take steps to return these lands and territories”.
The provisions on the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) in relations to forced eviction and the right to housing, particularly, article 2(1) and general comment 7 of the ICESCR outlines other protections from displacement and forced evictions, and stipulates that states parties “shall ensure, prior to carrying out any evictions, and particularly those involving large groups, that all feasible alternatives are explored in consultation with the affected persons, with a view to avoiding, or at least minimizing, the need to use force.”
The UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples passed in 2007 stating that this declaration is “an important standard for the treatment of indigenous peoples that will undoubtedly be a significant tool towards eliminating human rights violations against the planet’s 370 million indigenous people and assisting them in combating discrimination and marginalization”, suggesting that states should prohibit “any action which has the aim or effect of dispossessing (indigenous peoples) of their lands, territories or resources.
As part of the international obligations Ethiopia in its constitution particularly the article 18:1 provides prohibition against inhuman treatment and right to protection against cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment; article 39:1 provides unconditional right to Self-Determination, including the right to secession; likewise, article 40:5 provides pastoralists having the right to free land for grazing and cultivations as well as the right not to be displaced from their own lands.
Despite that Ethiopia has signed the provisions of the UN and EU, the Ethiopian regimes have violated the international standards and its own constitution, justifying full accountability to the present increasing atrocities and grand violation of human rights issues against the indigenous populations of Southwest Ethiopia.
In recognition to the potential peaceful political reform in the Ethiopia therefore, the SWEIPDM welcomes and is opens for a dialogue with the Ethiopia government in the area of security, independent development policies, foreign policies, and territorial integrity, to contest its vision in the process of building the nation to accelerate peace and development in the southwest Ethiopia. At these points we (SWEIPDM) extend our call to all of the indigenous peoples across Ethiopia and other political organizations to foster a strong partnership to form a national-inclusive political alliance for a greater democratic space in Ethiopia.
We also call upon the United Nations, European Union, USA, UK, Canada, Australia, African Union, IGAD and all allies of the international community, and justice and peace-loving bodies, to stand with the SWE-IPDM for legal and political guidance, support, protection and freedom of the indigenous peoples of Southwest Ethiopia.
Therefore, the Southwest Ethiopia Indigenous Peoples Democratic Movement (SWEIPDM) will continue its peaceful struggle until rights of indigenous people of the Southwest Ethiopia is fully recognized.
THE SOUTHWEST ETHIOPIA INDIGENOUS PEOPLES DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT (SWEIPDM)
Satenaw/Zehabesha with Professor Yohannes Gedamu of Georgia College about Ethiopian politics.
Professor Yohannes Gedamu
In an exclusive interview, US-based Professor Yohannes Gedamu; a lecturer of political science at Georgia college, an expert on federalism and commentator on Ethiopian politics, spoke with Teshome M. Borago of Zehabesha newspaper & Satenaw media Group regarding recent developments in Ethiopia.
Zehabesha/Satenaw: Did you anticipate the ruling TPLF politburo will collapse this fast, soon after the Oromo protests spread to other regions?
Prof. Gedamu: The changes that we are witnessing today are indeed mostly unexpected. If someone would say that he or she has expected it, it will be quite a stretch. However, I was very much eager to see what will be the end of the three years long popular struggle that played out in the form of protests and strikes and whether such waves of protests will bring about some needed change. Indeed, as the question implies, what has expedited the process was the fact that citizens from the Amhara region, especially from Gondar, felt the pain and suffering of the Oromo brothers and sisters and officially joined the movement. Citizens from Amhara administrative region had also experienced their share of suffering and for them, establishing such an alliance was something crucial. As we know the two regions constitute more than 65 percent of the country’s citizenry. Thus, such a simple but important fact makes it clear that the change that we see today belongs to all Ethiopians and was made possible because of the sacrifices of all Ethiopians. And when all Ethiopians unite, I cannot imagine a force that could deter any movement.
Z/S: The abuses in Oromia were so systematic and extensive that many Oromos used to say OPDO was more brutal to them than its TPLF masters. Who would have thought that OPDO, TPLF’s own creation, would now become this popular in Oromia. How did all this happen and will OPDO’s popularity survive when ODF, OLF, OFC and others start campaigning?
Gedamu: As we all know, the OPDO of the last couple of years is very much different from the OPDO of old. The leadership led by Mr. Lemma and Dr. Abiy recognized the anger within their constituency and these leaders and their coalition partners within EPRDF, especially ANDM leadership, came out united to acknowledge questions and grievances from the public at large. The leadership of these two political organizations also fully understood that for any change to emerge and for any possibility of addressing those very serious political challenges, standing together with the raging citizens was the best solution. It was indeed difficult for them and it could have been very costly for these leaders. However, as long as the people remained with them, it seems that they had no doubt that they will emerge victorious.
As to OPDO and whether it survives the challenges that could come from its oppositions within Oromia, it remains to be seen. However, I really think that whether for OPDO or ANDM, establishing political coalitions would be extremely important. That could also be done while they remain members of the EPRDF coalition. Political dialogues among different parties must start and all should understand that without any credible effort towards coalition making, we could even go few steps back to where we were before Abiy came to power. Coalitions do not mean creating new political parties, rather establishing alliances for the purpose of winning elections and leading a government until the next election.
Z/S: There are pessimists out there, who say the military still has mostly Tigrean leadership or say Prime Minister Dr. Abiy’s privatization schemes might transfer wealth to Tigrean conglomerates. They accuse Dr. Abiy of flexing his muscles only on Abdi Illey or demanding resignation of officials from smaller tribes, but he does not confront the TPLF directly. How would you respond to such critics?
Gedamu: Yes, such are timely questions. I have no any bad judgment to those who say PM Abiy has no control over the military. But I really think he is very much in control of the security apparatus of the state. What we witnessed in Jigjiga was indeed a national security emergency and that also was a blessing in disguise for me because the event has shown me the leadership qualities of the Prime Minister. He was decisive and eventually controlled the situation without much more bloodshed. That was significant. Having said that, we should also consider the difficulties that any leader could face when attempting to reform such huge and sophisticated institutions like the Ethiopian army. It is not really easy. Institutions are not built overnight. If someone wants to see a complete overhaul of such complex organizations in a short time, that means he or she do not fully understand the process that is known as institution building. It takes time. And there will be ups and downs along the way. But I am confident that he will get there. Why not confronting the TPLF? I believe that he has already done that and TPLF officials will eventually understand that they can not deter the reform efforts and will come to terms that way.
Z/S: What is the worst case scenario that could possibly restore TPLF to its former status politically?
Gedamu: I do not foresee any such circumstances. In my opinion, TPLF will just be a regional party in control of the Tigray region and if they are smart they will also heed that the only alternative is to partner the change agents and be part of this new journey.
Z/S: If TPLF hardliners continue to sabotage Dr. Abiy or challenge his authority, how should he deal with them?
Gedamu: Whether that is from TPLF or any sympathizers of the old regime, I think we can call it that way, challenges will remain out there. The most important solution will be to make sure such individuals and groups who resent the progress under PM Abiy are identified and if there are evidences for sabotages, use the justice system to make them accountable.
Z/S: During my last interview with Republican US Congressman Mike Coffman, he supported applying the US Magnisky Act as a warning to TPLF spoilers in Ethiopia. Should Dr. Abiy embrace such western measures to discourage mutiny from TPLF security apparatus?
Gedamu: I am not sure if it will be wise to use US’s Magnitsky Act in our case. However, as a sovereign state and a regional power itself, Ethiopia could also legislate a similar law when it comes to questions of suing those who might have stolen from public assets or dealing with former bureaucrats who are accused of corruption in general.
Z/S: Unlike the Obama & Susan Rice praises of the TPLF, do you agree with some analysts who say that the lack of diplomatic cover from the Trump US administration (and the diminishing role of TPLF generals in the “war on terror” in Somalia) contributed to their downfall?
Gedamu: Probably. The Trump organization is suffering from many challenges at home and we can debate that all day. However, we also know that the U.S. Department of State and the newly appointed US Ambassador, Michael Raynor, were very vocal in their support of the changes that we are observing in Ethiopia today, including the historic Ethio-Eritrea peace accord. And the fact is also that the Obama administration was also very much taking a u-turn from its policy in Somalia and that is what Trump seems to have followed after he came to power.
Z/S: Historically, people of Gondar, Wollo and others did not identify themselves as “Amhara.” From Menelik to Mengistu to Mesfin W/mariam, all Ethiopian elites reject the existence of an Amhara ethnicity completely; even after Meles created the “Amhara Region.” Today, this concept is a double-edged sword for Tigray, but isn’t the rise of AMHARA identity politics one of TPLF’s biggest political achievement?
Gedamu: An Amhara identity, as we all know, was very much contested as to its meaning and scope, especially in the past. Nevertheless, the question is that if there is no such thing as an Amhara identity as a nation or ethnicity, is there such a thing called Gondare ethnic group or Wollo ethnic group and so on? The answer is there is not any thing that we refer as Gondar nation or ethnic group and or Gojame ethnicity. We need to look at this very carefully, objectively and in very much honest terms. Moreover, Amharas live all across Ethiopia. In fact, the Amharas who live outside of the ‘proper’ Amhara region in today’s federal setting could outnumber Amharas who reside in Gondar or those in Gojam. This definitely creates a problem of understanding where Amharas actually live since they are not defined by a certain ethnic territory alone. But when Amharas are evicted or face hardships because of mere reasons related to their identity, where do we see them going? The answer is, they go to Amhara region. We have seen that with incidents from Gura Ferda, Benishagul Gumuz or when it comes to evictees from some parts of Oromia region. This also shows that let alone the Amhara from Gondar, Gojam, Wollo and Shewa, even the Amhara from other parts of the country recognize their Amhara identity and they go to the region whenever they seek shelter from any hardships they might suffer from elsewhere in our country. That is also evident given what we see in Wolqait and Raya areas and their questions of identity that are very difficult challenges to the current federal arrangement.
Because of the fact that the current federal setting (which is created along ethnic fault lines) projects that each region belongs to one or few cleared identified groups, it has created a problem for the Amharas living outside the ‘proper’ Amhara region in today’s federation. And the pervasive nature of an Amhara identity in Ethiopia is that we cannot limit such a huge population to a certain geographical location. I also assume that this might be the reason why most people openly question the nature of the Amhara identity. This definitely brings us to very broad definitions of identity formation. Therefore, the question should focus on how we define an Amhara identity? Is it the language, Amharic? I think that will be difficult to decide. However, I can say that the psychological make up of citizens form most areas in Amhara region and those Amharas living outside of the region is mostly similar, which is enough to say that there is an Amhara identity that could serve as an organizing principle in end of itself.
The TPLF did not create the Amhara identity, rather the Amhara region of today. However, its ill motives targeting the Amhara has helped transition the once weak and even ‘contested’ Amhara identity into a solid political and national identity. So, yes. That definitely has contributed to TPLF’s demise.
Z/S: Can Dr. Abiy appease both ethnic nationalists and Pan-Ethiopian nationalists at the same time?
Gedamu: Most Ethiopians, I could say, recognize that Dr. Abiy is pan-Ethiopian nationalist although he is a chairman of an ethnic political organization, which cannot make him any less pan-nationalist, by the way. But he needs to be very careful from unintentionally undermining ethno-nationalists since that could lead to the emergence of difficult and disruptive challenges especially from his electoral constituency of Oromia. Because, as we all know, he is widely popular and has massive support across the country, but given the current institutional designs whereby the the government is founded upon, Oromia remains his only electoral constituency. Therefore, his best bet will be to try to tame ethnic-nationalism and support coalition efforts towards the creation of Pan-Ethiopian organizations in systematic ways. Thus, the salient nature of ethnic politics should be recognized and not undermined. Having said that, I would also add that he needs to use his rhetorical skills and his widely recognized appeals towards moderation, as he moves forward as the country’s reform leader in the next few years.
Z/S: What are some practical alternatives to ethnic-federalism in Ethiopia?
Gedamu: That is a difficult question. And from few media appearances and few public discussions that I attended over the issue, I have also learned that our discussions on the solutions are also becoming a very sensitive one to address and come to any consensus too. My solution is what I refer to as ‘A Consolidation Strategy.’ In short, my solution touts the need to abolish a reference to so called ‘developing regions’ and ‘developed regions’ within one federal setting. How? We need to make sure to find ways in which regions that the regime refers to as ‘developing regional states’ merge with more capable ones so that those mostly peripheral regions will enjoy the administrative capacity of the stronger regions nearby. For example, Gambella region could benefit from merging with Oromia and Benishangul-Gumuz region will benefit from possible merger with Amhara region. Some part of Ethiopian-Somali region can also merge with Eastern parts of Oromia. And Dire-Dawa can also serve as a capital of a new region that we can refer to as Eastern Ethiopia regional state. Each of the two most populous regions such as Amhara and Oromia regions could also be divided into two to accommodate such changes. Such consolidation strategies could have few important consequences. A) the newly created regions definitely emerge multi-ethnic or multinational, which will reduce ethnic tensions and save all of us from the kind of evictions that we witnessed over the years. B) They will still have places to host both ethno-nationalist political organizations as well as Pan-Nationalists. Such solutions also require ethno-nationalists to broaden their base and eventually become ideology and message centered than staying with their ethnocentric agendas. And lastly, such an arrangement increases the value of formation of political coalitions for electoral and administrative purposes, and limits ethnic organizations towards becoming political caucuses alone after elections.
Z/S: Some Western organizations are demanding Dr. Abiy hold human rights abusers accountable for past crimes. But since many diaspora-led opposition groups, like the ONLF, were also accused of assassinations, ambushing economic sites and other crimes; is it realistic for Dr. Abiy to hold every abuser accountable without damaging the ongoing reconciliation efforts?
Gedamu: This is a matter of how we see transitional justice mechanisms and what avenues or approaches we should take as a nation to address past crimes. And PM Abiy’s emphasis seems to focus on forgiveness and reconciliation. But he has also affirmed his belief, per his latest press conference, that he will hold those with such crimes accountable. That remains to be seen.
Z/S: Millions of Ethiopians are mixed, with ancestors from two, three or more ethnic backgrounds. Should the new government continue forcing them to choose one tribal identity or should they be recognized as “Ethnic Ethiopians” (or simply Ethiopians)?
Gedamu: Most Ethiopians are intermixed and intermingled in one way another, be it in ethnic or in religious terms. Hence, unless an individual has any particular interest to identify as a member of a given group or whatever, he should not be obliged to choose so. The only solution that addresses such problems is that the country should move away from ethnic-based ideologies towards citizenship based politics. However, as I clearly stated earlier, that will not be easy. Hence, for that to happen, taming ethnic nationalism is also very important and we will see how that unfolds.
Z/S: Like Addis Ababa, Awassa City is viewed as a tolerant and multiethnic oasis where all Ethiopians feel at home, and its thriving economy is a testament to its success. But many Ethiopians in Awassa, especially the Wolaita, are now worried about Sidama nationalists who are demanding referendum for a separate state. How should they address this growing threat?
Gedamu: That definitely is very much concerning and recently, we have seen a terrible violence as a result of that. The creation of any new ethnic based region, however, will become our demise as a nation. Therefore, the question of our Sidama brothers and sisters should only be solved via a new institutional design that we hope could address the challenges within the current ethnic federal arrangement. But just to reiterate, any isolated effort to address that, could potentially become very damaging.
Z/S: To solve the worsening crisis, should Awassa become a federal chartered city like Dire Dawa?
Gedamu: I think we should have a working federal setting that significantly improves the current malfunctioning system, which is based on ethnic fault lines. Making Awassa another federal city could solve the issue that is concerning the non-Sidama residents. But it will not be a lasting solution for all. Therefore, we should look into the grand scheme of things and call for a complete overhaul of the federal system by way of the consolidation strategy that I mentioned earlier. And this can be contested, but if we build a consensus on the issue, its implementation could be done in a way that would not anger anyone in both sides of the argument.
Z/S: Prime Minister Abiy was recently frustrated when Amhara nationalists pushed him on the Welkait case. But some Amhara extremists are even claiming a medieval city of Barara, an Abyssinian capital located at present-day Addis Ababa before the 16th century Oromo settlement. Do you believe Amhara tribalism is becoming a threat to peace in Ethiopia?
Gedamu: For me, it is not tribalism whatsoever. And we should be careful about the use of such terms. We can always look at other cases across the globe where ethno nationalism is very much rampant. Such questions are also a testament to the ugly nature of ethno-nationalism. Because, different ethno-nationalist movements always come with a narrative that they think will help challenge the narrative of other ethno-nationalists. For example, the issue with regards to the history of Barara came about, in my opinion, to challenge the narrative that some use when it coms to the special interest of Oromia in Addis Ababa.
We should calm down, think and discuss about such a divisive issue for some time. It starts with doing away with the use of terms such as, special interest. Instead, we should use phrases such as coordinated regional planning strategies and coordinated city-planning strategies. Unless we make some changes in our mindset on such issues, we will have a hard time to reconcile those interests. Being an enclave in a given territory doesn’t also mean you will lose your autonomy as a city and your sovereign entity status as a level of government within a federal setup. Just like the fact that Lesotho is an enclave doesn’t mean South Africa can violate its sovereignty for some special interests that it might have. But indeed those two countries have some coordinated planning for developing their cities and regulate trade and people to people interactions. Of course, it is completely different issue. But I believe that we can apply a similar logic at times, when we face with a similar challenge within a given federal system.
Z/S: Oromos have recently became victims of nativist tribal attacks, with almost a million displaced and many killed in Somali, Benshangul, Gedeo and other regions. So why do Oromo elites still support the current segregationist federal system?
Gedamu: Yes, Oromos have been victims, although sadly they are also blamed for some. At the end of the day, the Oromo is one of the largest ethnic groups in the country and the region. We should not forget that Oromos are also cross border societies since we also have ethnic Oromos in Kenya. So, just like you said, I do not understand why the Oromo elites prefer such an ethnic box, which is too limiting or constraining for such a large ethnic group that should freely roam around. Because, I do believe that Oromos should also live and prosper beyond the confines of Oromia region. The size of the population requires and encourages that. Unfortunately, the ethnic federal arrangement today is not permissive of that and I hope that some of the elites would reconsider and look at the bigger picture.
Z/S: Looking forward to the 2020 election: Dr. Abiy belongs to EPRDF, but his populist & democratic rhetoric sounds more like a Kinijit or Ginbot7 party leader. How should the Pan-Ethiopian opposition camp deal with him during the next election?
Gedamu: That will be an interesting situation to look forward to and enjoy with some popcorn. But I have no doubt that it will be such a great spectacle for the country that we will have such exciting debates to look forward too.
Z/S: Do you expect the Ethiopian ownership of Aseb port in Eritrea to become a hot topic in 2020 as it was in 2005?
Gedamu: I don’t think so. Because, both the opposition and the incumbents will be smart enough to understand the sensitivity of the issue. As a result, they should restrain from debating the issue for this upcoming election. However, the right to access to the sea understandably will remain a question for along time.
Z/S: Should Prime Minister Abiy recognize Somaliland independence?
Gedamu: No, is my answer. Any new Ethiopian administration must patiently wait for any lasting solution between the Somalian state and the Somalilanders.
Z/S: Ethiopia is a country of minorities but Amharic is spoken predominantly almost everywhere in the nation. If You visit even the most remote areas in Wolaita, you will still find people who speak Amharic, not Afan Oromo. Aren’t recent efforts to add Afan Oromo as “official language” more appeasement politics?
Gedamu: I think Afan Oromo is a very good candidate for a second working language for the federal government. And it should be. All will benefit from this. However, such decisions and implementation strategies are like building institutions and that will take time and effort. Hence, I advise that we should be less appeasing and become more accommodating as a nation.
Z/S: Instead of having over fifty parties, is it possible to create aTwo-Party system in Ethiopia: with right-wing Ethiopian nationalists advocating individual rights VS. left-wing ethnic-nationalists advocating group rights?
Gedamu: a two party system is almost impossible in today’s Ethiopia, at least in my opinion. Therefore, multi-party system would remain the appropriate one for the foreseeable future.
Z/S: Almost a year ago, you said the Pan-Ethiopian nationalist camp are the majority in Ethiopia because they dominate in Amhara region, parts of the south and urbanites nationwide. After the recent growth of Amhara ethnic nationalism, do you still believe the Pan-Ethiopian side is the majority?
Gedamu: No doubt that the reality on the ground is changing with coming of a fast growing Amhara nationalist movement. But let’s also not forget that ANDM is also becoming more popular and it shows. However, I still believe that the region remains very much open and fertile for any political groups to campaign and win over the voters. We will see what happens. But the party with very good campaign organization will win, in my opinion. It is all about strategies.
Z/S: Do you forecast EPRDF winning the 2020 election and Dr. Abiy having another term?
Gedamu: I know EPRDF will be very much competitive and even could win it all if they could continue with the rebranding efforts. But with Abiyotawi Democracy? I don’t see them winning. For now, PM Abiy seems committed to that. If he wants his party to win, the rebranding must go beyond logo and party names. Hence a change in ideological frameworks and possible efforts towards coalition formation with some opposition might be needed if we want to see Abiy remain the Prime Minister.
Crowds turned out to greet Ethiopia’s prime minister after he flew into Eritrea’s capital, Asmara
The euphoric jubilation in the streets of Asmara and Addis Ababa that we have witnessed in the last few weeks is the Eritrean and Ethiopian peoples’ affirmation and celebration of the peace overtures made by Dr Abiy. The stoic Ethiopian and Eritrean people, young and old, men and women, dancing and singing unabashedly in the streets and public spaces are expressing their strong longing for peaceful and fraternal relations—a longing which they have not been able to express in public for the last 20 years. It is a genuine endorsement of the commitment of the two leaders—Abiy, an articulate, visionary vanguard of the new generation, and Isaias, a defiant old revolutionary—to lead them out of the quagmire. Abiy rose up from the mass upheaval of the Ethiopian youth struggle against TPLF/EPRDF dominated corruption, political machinations, disintegration and hopelessness to lead a peaceful yet fundamental revolution. Isaias represents the indomitable spirit of the Eritrean struggle for liberation, still standing against all odds.
Within a few weeks, in a miraculous shift, despair and pessimism have given way to hope. This hope found articulation in a rising young political maverick, Ethiopia’s new prime minister, Dr. Abiy Ahmed. His message of peace and unity, medemer, has swept Ethiopian and Eritrean communities at home and in diaspora. The swift actions taken by both sides to normalize relations after two decades of the no war no peace regime has created an emotional human drama: the celebrations welcoming Abiy to Asmara and Isaias to Addis, long separated family members dancing in tears on the tarmacs of airports, and even people calling random numbers across the border to express love and good will. The scene has mesmerized even the international media and international public at large which is used to seeing frequent atrocities in this region. What just a few weeks ago seemed like an insurmountable wall of hate and acrimony between Eritrea and Ethiopia has dissipated as if it had been a mirage.
Yet despite the overflow of joy we should not forget the bitter cost paid during the twenty long years it took us to get here. Nor should we forget that this is only the beginning of a long hard journey. To see through the fog into brighter future we must reexamine our path through our dark history with contrition. As Maya Angelou said, “History, despite its wrenching pain, cannot be unlived, but if faced with courage, need not be lived again.”
The Horn of Africa is one of the most conflict-ridden regions in the world. The Ethio-Eritrea conflict that has continued unabated for three quarter of a century, bleeds directly or indirectly into all the violent intrastate and interstate conflicts raging across the Horn of Africa. The thirty-year devastating war for independence [1960 – 1991], the 1998 -2000 border war and the eighteen years of “no war no peace” that has succeeded it have been the inexhaustible fuel that has been feeding the inferno consuming this region. The cost of this conflict is mind numbing. Hundreds of thousands have died. Millions have been forced into abject refugee life. Villages have been razed to the ground, fragile ecosystem scorched, farm lands strewn by land mines rendered uncultivable, infrastructures deliberately destroyed. Billions of dollars have been spent in military endeavors while the people die en masse from famine and suffer from lack of basic human necessities. Pulled by this conflict into an abyss, both states are at the bottom of the ladder in social, political and economic development scales.
TPLF is the main architect of the sinister “no war no peace” regime.
Meles and his compadres were skillful tacticians but unfortunately poor strategists. This is not due to lack of intelligence but rather to their tenuous hold on state power in Ethiopia. A political faction which hailed from a marginalized ethnic minority, which had been playing second fiddle to EPLF for most part of its existence, was suddenly catapulted to a dominant position in the Ethiopian state. They consolidated their chokehold on the Ethiopian state with the departure of Eritrea and the EPLF. TPLF inherited the bounty of the Ethiopian empire, while EPLF had to deal with a war-torn weary state. The former comrades in arms turned into deadly rivals. The US cast the deciding vote when it picked TPLF as its strategic ally in the Horn of Africa.
Once EPLF departed, the interparty rivalry turned into an intraparty duel between the Meles Zenawi faction and the Seye Abraha and Gebru Assrat faction. Seye and Gebru’s faction hoped to catapult themselves into dominance by waving the banner of defending Ethiopia’s sovereignty against alleged Eritrean domination and rallying the “Greater Ethiopia nationalists” who were deeply saddened by Eritrea’s succession and the loss of Massawa and Assab ports. Gebru in his book dubiously titled “Sovereignty and Democracy” (Signature Book Printing Press 2014) self-flagellated for supposedly being misled and indoctrinated into denying the “true history of Ethiopia and Eritrea.” This is not withstanding that he had been one of the founders of TPLF and a senior member of the central committee and had fought side by side with the ELF in support of Eritrea’s independence. Gebru’s numerous speeches and writings epitomize the deep-rooted legacy of political deception of TPLF and the essence of its divide and rule policy in both provoking the war and playing the victim.
EPLF arrogantly took the bait when it responded by sending its armed forces to the conflict zone to confront the TPLF militias. The wounded Ethiopian national pride roared to life. Gebru and Seye reached the apex of political power while the lives of a million poor Ethiopians and Eritreans was turned upside down. A journalist characterized the war as “two bold men fighting over a comb.” The Amharic saying “kit gelbo ras tkenanbo’” (“Bearing your ass to cover your head”) expresses even better the idiocy of two states who could not feed their people recklessly expend so much on a war to defend national pride.
When dreams of easy military victory dissipated and the realization of unsustainable losses on both sides set in, the war crept into a stalemate. The two states were cajoled by the international community into resolving their violent conflict through binding arbitration. On December 12, 2000, Eritrea and Ethiopia signed the Algiers Peace Agreement. The Agreement mandated an Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission (EEBC) to delimit and demarcate the border “based on pertinent colonial treaties (1900, 1902, and 1908) and applicable international law.” On April 13, 2002, The Eritrea – Ethiopia Boundary Commission in a 135-page unanimous ruling, rendered its final and binding delimitation decision. Within hours, Ethiopia accepted the ruling, declaring it “fair and appropriate,” hoping Eritrea would not accept and hence stand out as intransigent. But Eritrea fully accepted the Ruling and demanded its implementation. A month later the TPLF regime reversed its position and reneged on its obligation. If Ethiopia had accepted and implemented this ruling at that time, today instead of talking about boundary demarcation, we would have been talking about more fundamental political and economic integrations between the two states.
If military victory had been attainable, Gebru and Seye, the main drivers of the war, would have remained at the helm and Meles would have been in exile or worse eliminated. The Stalemate in the savagely fought war enabled Melese zenawe to bounce back into power while Tseye and Gebru faction was purged from TPLF. Melese Instead of taking the Algiers’s accord to peacefully resolve this abominable war chose to continue it under the “no war no peace” regime. The underpinning of Meles’ “no war no peace” regime was based on the calculation that, since military victory is unattainable, he would ignore the agreement and continue with a tense military standoff without direct engagement. Ethiopia, with a hundred million population and larger resources, would be able to withstand the cost of indefinite military mobilization, while Eritrea, with a five million population and war-torn economy, would crumble. To that end he reneged on the ruling by setting conditions which would practically annul the Algiers Agreement, hence, the “no peace no war” regime came into de-facto existence. Meles’s calculations failed to take into consideration the two most important factors: the determination of the Eritrean people to persevere hardship to preserve their hard-fought independence and the burden of underdevelopment, poverty and political vulnerabilities protracted military mobilization would create on Ethiopia.
Though the UN, AU and the US were guarantors to the Algiers Agreement, they were either unwilling or unable to put pressure on Ethiopia to honor the legal and binding ruling. To make matters worse, the US and Eritrea become at a loggerhead because Eritrea would not bend to US policy in the region. Meles scored a tactical victory over Isaias. Ethiopia gained military and economic advantages as the US’s strategical ally, while Eritrea suffered isolation, sanctions and economic hardships. However, both sides lost because the “no war no peace” policy made the rift between these fraternal peoples much wider and deeper and it arrested social economic and political development the people on both sides direly needed.
Rise of amazing consensus in support of the peace overture.
TPLF’s choke hold on the Ethiopian state’s apparatus has been shattered by the popular mass uprising that has swept the country in the last three years. TEAM Abiy/Lema of OPDO became the dominant group in the EPRDF coalition. As a result, one of the main pillars of the TPLF’s policies–“no war no peace”–is being replaced by a new initiative for peace. On June 13, 2018, EPRDF Executive Committee under Dr Abiy voted 27 to 0 to accept the Algiers Peace Accord and implement the EEBC ruling without preconditions–16 years after the adjudication. Dr Abiy’s passionate speeches extolling peace, love and reconciliation has fired the long-subdued spirit of the people on both sides of the border.
Two weeks later, President Isaias came out in strong support of Dr. Abiy’s initiative. Amazingly he declared that he would send a peace delegation to Addis Ababa. For the two regimes, world renowned for their stubbornness and belligerence, to be willing to deal directly with each other without intermediary is a sea change. Both regimes have come to realize that their future existence as states depends on resolving their intractable conflicts peacefully and legally. Abiy’s initiative and Isaias’s unprecedented response resonates with the will and aspiration of both Eritrean and Ethiopian people to live side by side peacefully and fraternally.
Meanwhile, TPLF is hopelessly replaying its old tired game of political deception and divide to rule. Instead of endorsing this peace initiative and being part of the reconciliation, it is trying to derail it. In its hastily assembled central committee meeting of the TPLF held in Mekele a few days after the EPRDF EC declaration, it came out with a dubious statement[i]. On the one hand, it declared supports for the EPRDF EC decision, while on the other hand it condemned it for being hasty and lacking consultation. This despite the fact that TPLF is fully represented in the EPRDF EC and its representatives voted for the resolution. This is the usual two-faced political maneuver that TPLF pulls whenever it is in crisis.
The Ethiopian oppositions groups have wholeheartedly endorsed Abiy’s call. The only exception are some diehard nationalists who are pushing to reclaim Assab by force or/and political pressure. They reject the peace overture because they fear accepting the Algiers Agreement legitimizes the existing boundary[ii]. For many of these individuals, even after twenty-seven years, accepting Eritrea as an independent state is hard to swallow. Proponents of this line used to be a dominant faction of the opposition, particularly in diaspora, however, its ranks have withered away. Most people realize that it is not lack of ports, rather it is the lack of peace and good governance which is the existential treat to Ethiopia. The Ethiopia and Eritrea border has been resolved according to international law. Assab and Massawa should no longer be a cause for endless devastating conflict. Instead they should be economic focal points that bring together the two countries in a prosperous and enduring economic alliance.
On the Eritrean side, supporters and opponents of the regime alike, the support for the peace overture is unanimous. However, ambiguity prevails on the side of highly fractured opposition because some fear that peace would strengthen Isais’s dictatorship[iii]. This is a rather circular argument because it was the state of war which have been used as grounds to curtail civil liberty in Eritrea. The Eritrean people have persevered through economic hardship and tolerated deferment of their emancipation to preserve their hard-won independence. It is one of the main reasons why the opposition organizations failed to gain a meaningful following in the country. The Eritrean opposition, which is obsessed about splitting into factions on major and minor issues, should humble itself and learn the lesson that striving for unity, medemer, peace and reconciliation is a potent force for change. Peace is not going to solve all the mindboggling problems that beset Eritrean and Ethiopian societies but it is a fundamental requisite.
Missed opportunities to peacefully and holistically resolve the Ethio-Eritrea conflict
1952-1962 Federation presented Ethiopia with great opportunity: outlets to the sea, Eritrea’s modern infrastructure and Eritrean skilled labor. For the fractured and contentious Eritrean elites, between dismemberment or outright annexation, the Federation was a palatable choice. Instead of transforming Ethiopia into a constitutional monarchy by using the Eritrean liberal democratic constitution as inspiration, Haile Selassie made the arrogant and short-sighted decision to revoke the federation and reduce Eritrea into a province in his feudal empire. This unleashed a strong Eritrean nationalist rebellion and consequently an armed struggle. His response, backed with US military largesse, was mass incarceration of Eritrean youth, torture, exile and elimination of the nascent Eritrean intelligentsia. When the rebellion progressed to full-fledged armed struggle, he responded with a scorched earth policy. The cost for Ethiopia and Eritrea in term of lost opportunities in economic, political and social development is staggering. The cost Emperor Haile Selassie had to pay for his hubris was an ignominious death in the uprising of which the Eritrean struggle was a very important factor.
1974 Ethiopian uprising for economic democratic revolution was subverted by the derge’s coup. The response of the fascistic derge to the Eritrean struggle was dumb, arrogant, inhumane and utterly devastating. Backed with an unprecedent degree of military aid and direct involvement of the defunct Soviet Union, it aspired to annihilate the Eritrean resistance once and for all. However, the end result was its own demise at the hands of EPLF and TPLF. Again, the economic devastation, political degeneration and institutional disintegration of a protracted war led to famine, human misery and suffering of biblical magnitude.
1993 Eritreans in a United Nation sponsored referendum voted for their independence and Ethiopia magnanimously accepted. Eritrea became a full-fledged member state of AU and UN. It was a glorious moment. The wounds of Africa’s longest armed conflict were healing fast. Peace dividends flourished. The prestige of the two counties and their leaders sky rocketed. The economic advantages of the people’s mobility between the two states reached a high mark. But the fast pace of change and economic growth engendered a petty rivalry between the ascending power elites. The bright hope and promise of the reconstructing economies was sadly dashed when rivalry between the groups escalated to a savage senseless interstate war.
1998 – 2000 border war. Although it lasted only two years, the psychological and economic devastation was greater than what had proceeded it. 100,000 Eritrean and Ethiopian youths were sacrificed, over two million people on both sides were dislocated, and infrastructure and farms and industries were deliberately destroyed.
2000 – 2018 No peace no war regime. The last 18 years could be characterized as a period of paralysis, stagnation and disintegration of both states albeit to a different degree and consequence. The political and economic isolation of Eritrea spearheaded by the TPLF, with the aid of the US, was aimed at bringing down the EPLF regime. Until a few months ago, blog sites were filled with self-fulfilling prophesies about the eminent collapse of Eritrea and the triumph of Ethiopia. The reality proved to the contrary. It is the PFDJ which is standing while TPLF’s power base has collapsed dramatically.
2018 Will Abye’s peace overtures be another missed opportunity? Neither the two countries nor the region can afford another failure. Failure would be devastating. We count on the genuine mass support expressed unequivocally by the Ethiopians and Eritreans people in the last few weeks to be the guarantor for its success. In my long period of political involvement in this region, I have witnessed only a few periods of popular euphoria and unanimity of such magnitude.
Tigray is a bridge not a wedge between Ethiopia and Eritrea
The People of Tigray are the major victims of TPLF’s divide and rule policy. It has put them at loggerheads with Eritreans to the north, the Amhara to the west and south and the Afar to the east. It is a deliberate policy, sometimes dubbed as “plan B,” to make Tigray a perpetual bastion of TPLF. The objective goal of this tactic is to make the Tigray people feel vulnerable, hence, the servile support base for TPLF. The Tigrayan intelligentsia should have been able to see through these shenanigans and exposed them long time ago. Yet sadly, particularly many in the diaspora, they are being manipulated to kowtow to this abominable policy in the name of Tigray nationalism and pride.
Who has suffered more from this long drawn out conflict than the poor Tigrayans and Eritreans? Which ethnicity or region has paid more in human sacrifice, suffered more dislocation than these hapless cousins? Whose fragile farmland has been ruined by tanks and infested with mines like theirs? Whose economic potential has been more arrested? Who lived for decades under the threat of calamitous war as they have? Shouldn’t the border towns of Tigray and Eritrea be centers of thriving trade rather than sad military outposts? Who is to blame? What is to be gained? Why weren’t the people of Tigray in the forefront petitioning their leaders to end the “no war no peace” regime? Even now TPLF is trying to mischaracterize this malaise as defending Tigrayan interests.
The current love fest between Ethiopia and Eritrea is the death knell to TPLF hegemony. It is a total rejection and repudiation of their divide and rule legacy. Their posturing as defenders of Ethiopia’s sovereignty against hapless Eritrea and peacekeeper between the feuding ethnic groups of Ethiopia has been swept away by the popular tsunami that that has engulfed Ethiopia. The Ethio-Eritrea love train is the shining beacon of hope. TPLF leadershi,p instead of hopping on this love train of reconciliation and peace, are plotting to derail it. Their plans and tactics are a replay of the maneuvers that led to the 1998 border war–pretend to accept the peace process while throwing a monkey wrench into it. This time very few are duped.
The chameleon role being played by Dr. Debretsion, TPLF’s party chairman, epitomizes this stance. In his June 22nd interview, he outlined the game plan which can be summarized as: 1. We accept the EPRDF executive committee stand to unconditionally accept and implement the Algiers resolution, yet we condemn it because it is done without consultation, 2. We call for an “extended” EPRDF meeting to discuss the matter with hope of torpedoing the resolution by bringing more allies, 3. Bademe is Tigray’s issue not a national issue, TPLF, as representative of the people of Tigray, should be the leading negotiator. 4. It is a border issue; no it is sovereignty issue, 5. TPLF accepts unconditionally the Algiers’s Agreement, no we stand by the repudiated ‘five points for renegotiation’. Dr. Debretsion even went so far as saying that the Algiers Agreement is null and void. As for the party, TPLF started organizing demonstrations against the peace overtures and then made a 180-degree turn by organizing a big rally at Mekele Stadium allegedly, inter alia, to express support for peace with Eritrea. This flipflopping simply reflects the pathetic situation the one-time master of deception TPLF finds itself in today.
For TPLF peace between Ethiopia and Eritrea is not about border issue or defending the interest of the people of Tigray, rather, it is about desperately hanging to power and convincing its shocked supporters that it is still relevant. Yet it is doing it the negative way. Instead of absolving itself from its predatory role in a true substantive way, it has chosen to replay its failed tricks which doesn’t even impress its ardent supporters. TPLF leadership is down but not out. They cannot ever dominate Ethiopia’s politics the way they did before, but they can surely play a disruptive role. Anyone who underestimates TPLF leadership does so at his own peril.
The main force that could effectively deal with TPLF is the people of Tigray. People of Tigray, the TPLF’s leadership policy of divide and rule is your liability. They have gained like bandits, which they are, but you are left with the liability. Their gain has come at a great lose to you today and your offspring tomorrow. It is time to see the reality with wide open eyes and take your place on the side of those who stand for lasting peace, justice and fraternity and work for common good. Choose among your bright and honorable youth to represent you in this crucial juncture of history.
Likewise, the wholesale castigation by some Eritrean and Ethiopian elites of the Tigray population for the evils perpetrated by TPLF leadership policies and actions is wrong headed as it creates an obstacle to unite all the stakeholders for peace.
Conclusion: The people of Ethiopia and Eritrea are the sole guarantors of lasting peace
I am seventy years old. I was born into Eritrean nationalism and matured in the Ethiopian struggle for social justice. I was born, grew, struggled and exiled in this tangled web of conflict. It has affected the whole of my life and most importantly my psyche. I am not an exception. My generation on both sides of the border is similarly affected. In a paper I presented to 5th Annual Ethiopian & Eritrean Friendship Forum Conference Presented by UCLA’s Habesha Student Association April 17th, 2013, I wrote. “The conflict between Eritrea and Ethiopia is mainly rooted in the common psyche of the power elites rather than the existence of objective irreconcilable differences. The elites of Ethiopia and Eritrea share a common psyche because they share a common culture and tradition. The common psychic traits of the two power elite groups are hurt pride, beleaguered nationalism and zero-sum mentality. Eritreans and Ethiopians are one people. Sadly, and paradoxically, their common history, culture and psyche, instead of being the foundation of their unity, have become an artificial barrier between them. Particularly Eritreans and Ethiopians in their late 50s and 60s, who are the main actors in this sad drama, are deeply scarred and traumatized by the development of this conflict. Like two chess players who follow the same strategy, they have cornered themselves into a stalemate.”
We are hypnotized by the allure of intrigue, brinkmanship and elusive victory. It is hard to find many examples in human history of people who have fought so ferociously and paid so dearly in life and social development for so little like Ethiopians and Eritreans. We have lost so much in war when we could have gained abundantly in peace.
I was resigned to dying without seeing the bright days of peace and harmony between these fraternal people. That is why I feel elated when I hear a call for peace from a much younger generation reverberate in these hapless conflict-ridden communities. It is humbling to witness such unanimity in our communities on such fundamental issues. The people have spoken loudly, clearly and unequivocally that they want to coexist in peace and fraternity, to strive and surmount all difficulties and obstacles together. They have rejected the divide and rule message of TPLF.
The first stage of demolition is finished. The second stage of constructive engagement are the big challenges ahead: demarcating the border, setting policies and laws to facilitate cooperation and sharing of resources. These matters have always been the domain of the intelligentsia and power elites, played out in boardrooms out of public sight. Would the power elites proscribe their parochial interest over the interests of the people? Would they obsess over their hidden agendas and dubious ideologies or follow the will and spirit of the people? There is a strong alignment of interests and aspirations between the people and their leaders at this moment as manifested in the streets and public meetings. It should be consolidated by widening the democratic platform, by cultivating transparency, by empowering people and making their interests and well-being paramount.
It is a rare historical opportunity when rival social and political forces align to foster peace and harmony, particularly in our region. The US has also shifted its wrong-headed policy, regional forces like Saudi Arabia and UEA are amazingly helping build bridges, leaders of both countries share kinetic energy to overhaul the reign of debilitating conflict and the people are impatient for the dawn of a new era. We should all unite, “endemere,” to augment this rare historical opportunity.
It is a universal fact that though political leaders initiate change, it takes a social force to make it real. We all must engage to make this spirit of love, peace and good will endure and flourish. We should stand to those forces who try to pull us back into the quagmire of the past. Particularly my message to my generation–the conflict generation—is this: we need to introspect and to meditate to bury the legacy of schizophrenia and xenophobia and support the new generation as it embarks on a brighter future. I hope the last years of my life will be spent writing about the flourishing of peace, the unfolding of fraternity, the strong embrace of harmony and above all, writing about the triumph over poverty and human misery.
Peace and Fraternity to Ethiopian and Eritrean people!
Following bitter peaceful struggle where many Ethiopians sacrificed their life, we have started to see in our country the beginning of democratic reform tendencies specially in the last 5 months. The Ethiopian people struggle for democracy and freedom have been able to knock the door of the ruling regime and party ( TPLF -EPRDF); and a progressive reform oriented groups are able to come to the front seat of power. The new leadership led by Dr Abiy Ahmed has started democratic reforms which gave hope to the people.
Prime Minster Dr Abiy and his team have toured in most region of our country and made inspirational inclusive speech, released most political prisoners, invited banned oppositional political parties and lifted the political leaders’ death and life prison sentences (made on false claim in their absentia), created favourable environment and encouraged unity among religious groups specially among the divided fathers of Orthodox Christianity and fellow Muslim leaders. The new leadership has started new relation with neighbour countries and specially peaceful beginning with Eritrea, the tour to North America and meeting with Diaspora Ethiopians, relative freedom for in-house and diasporas Ethiopian media outlets and discussion with intellectuals and professionals are commendable activities that install further hopes.
The patience and wisdom of the new leadership team to solve the complicated obstacles are admirable. They are facing daily challenges being laid by those who lost the direct influence and power ( TPLF elites and their subordinates) on top of existing generations lack of justice and freedom.
The progressive reform and measures they have taken though temporarily deflated the public demand, a lot of fundamental work have to be done to solve the quest of Ethiopian people for long term. As per saying of the renowned professor Mesfin Woldemariam, the oppressed, disgruntled and vengeful people that help to dismantle existing regime should not return without forming democratic infrastructure for a new better democratic government which respect people’s right and freedom.
There are fundamental work awaits the new leadership and their subordinates. The democratic infrastructure specially forming or reforming independent judiciary system, police, army, media, election Board/Commission and citizen’s individual right need to be granted in the law of the land The existing Constitution or some laws should be amended to implement the above. These infrastructures should be free from the influence of the powerful politicians, rich individuals and organisations or lobbies. Our country should be land of peace and stability with equal opportunity for all its citizen where there should be fairness and justice system that ensure the poor and weak ones are not affected by the rich and powerful ones.
The prime minster Dr Abiy Ahmed informed us that there is no plan for transitional government that comprises of different opposition political parties. He stated his team are the transitional government that would continue until the next General election. He would listen to the different political parties’ suggestions and people quest otherwise his leadership will not entertain any change of government except waiting for the next election which is due under 2 years.
The most fundamental and worrying thing is rushing to General election without forming democratic infrastructure will be futile vicious circle. The people struggle and the suffering of the last 40 or more years for fair society would be fruitless, waste and frustrating.
In the next few weeks and month, there should be significant effort by the new leadership to facilitate a means for peaceful dialogue, reconciliation and forgiveness. All the illegal actions carried out in the last 40 or more years by any group or individuals should be overt, the perpetrators should seek for forgiveness and the victim be able to forgive. Those action which need the Justice system to deal with should be dealt. We need to live in a country where the victims and perpetrators live in high moral consciousness which ensures any grave human right violation shouldn’t happen in the future. This is paramount task to limit or abolish the vengeance culture and begin with fresh beginnings.
Without installing a functioning democratic infrastructure, reconciliation and forgiveness from our past misdeed and define our common future, an election ( General) attempt will be inviting of propaganda from different political parties which will inflame these past wounds and incite violence against different political groups or ethnic groups which entail zero sum political game.
Those political parties returned home for peaceful struggle should get enough time and legal cover in order to be able to introduce themselves and programme, open their offices and be able to have members and supporters. This is also the same for domestic political opposition parties which were limited by the recent past regime from reaching out to the public. They need time and proper legal cover.
There are numerous opposition political parties in our country. In order to be meaningful and make proper change to the Ethiopian people, they need time to merge together based on their political agenda to form significant 3 or 4 strong national opposition parties that can compete with ruling party and among themselves.
Unless those facts stated above addressed, it is straight forward to guess that the ruling regime will win the next election without stealing ballot boxes as it has unfair advantage of popularity of the current leaders and unpreparedness of the competitive political parties which need time to organise themselves. This will give an advantage to EPRDF as it will play in an election field which is not fair to all.
Although Dr Abiy Ahmed and his team are popular and determined to bring democratic changes, all they can sail us is half way! He and his team will not work or facilitate any means that would allow his political party lose the power. They will use any means ( except killing, imprisoning, looting and forcing their competitors to exile) to win the election and maintain the power. They will like and act to keep the next election to go ahead as scheduled under 2 years time. This will give them unfair advantage to win the election not through stealing but as the oppositions parties are not able to be ready by that time and also at present Dr Abiy Ahmed and his team will benefit from their provisional popularity with in the people which could fade if more time is given.
The other option is to postpone the election by few years. This will be illegal under the current Constitution but it could pave way for fair and competitive General election in our country. If it is decided to postpone the election and the current leadership stay on power, the government will be illegitimate. The second options to deal this will be provisional multiparty government which comprises the oppositions. The third option will be to form a provisional government made up of political party free intellectuals, professionals and elders which will report for political council made of all political parties in Ethiopia.
All the above three options have advantage and disadvantage. If the current leadership to continue as government after the current mandate runs out ( under 2 years), all political parties have to agree. It is a challenge at present to guess all political parties unanimously agree on that. The advantage is there will be continuity of government with reform oriented and experienced leaders. The adverse side will be they may do activities that would cost opportunities that can give them unfair advantage in the coming postponed election.
The second option of forming multi parties government made up of all political parties would be a challenge as there is no enough ministerial post to cover the numerous political parties in our country. But if it is formed, there is likely opportunity that a fair and equal opportunity to run in the election field that they will facilitate to form.
The third option of intellectuals/professionals and elders government under political parties council would be the best government to ensure fairness among the political parties but their legitimacy depend on the will of the political council made of different political parties in the country.
These are challenges we all will face under 2 years time. The present leadership and competitive opposition political parties leaders shouldn’t miss this historical opportunity to form a lasting peaceful democratic infrastructure in our country. You (leaders of all colours) should all hamper personal power ego to solve the suffering of Ethiopian people. You should dialogue and reach to tangible solution to address these. The Ethiopian people have suffered a lot and any more suffering would be disaster. The people put their trust on you and you should keep it up,
The people, specially the youth who are the power engine of this change/reform in our country should continue to support and exert pressure on the new leadership and the opposition parties to fulfil the people quest and trust!
When I woke up this morning, I saw a warm welcoming organized for the popular artist and activist Tamagne Beyene. We all should be thankful to God, and the people who paid dire prices for this colorful event to happen in our motherland. Think about it for a moment. Tamagne left Ethiopia more than two decades ago unceremonially. A little more than two decades later, however, he returned back with a heroic welcome.
While I was admiring the people who came out honoring a man who showed an unwavering commitment to his cause, for a moment, I thought about other popular artists who took shortcuts and chose immediate gratification. I was wondering what they felt when they witnessed this historic reception to a man who has been loyal to his beliefs and values for more than twenty years. In this article, nonetheless, I’m not here to talk about this. Rather, let me use this special occasion to quickly draw some lessons any ordinary person may learn from the extraordinary lifestyle of Tamagne.
For more than two decades, I’ve studied human potential. I asked tough questions, spent hours and hours of reading, and paid some prices in search of the truth and to fully understand why a few attained greatness, did put a dent in their community, and left enduring legacies that impacted generations while others left without leaving any hint whether they ever lived in this life-sustaining universe. This sacred quest led me to review the lives of hundreds of great ones from diverse cultures. What is more, beginning last year, I began sharing my discoveries by writing books. So far, I wrote two books ‘The Highest Level of Greatness’, and ‘Unchain Your Greatness’.
By the way, in one of my books, I reviewed the greatness journeys of two outstanding individuals from our own culture, Ethiopia’s new Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and the all-time great singer Teddy Afro. If you’re interested to read these books, they’re available on Amazon. In this brief article, nevertheless, let me use Tamagne Beyene as a role model to inspire you to choose in serving your community with honor, dignity, and by paying your dues. This is my hope that, once you read this article, you would be convinced to despise shortcuts and immediate gratification.
I’m sure that there may be many individuals on the sidelines right now wanting to be like Tamagne, getting all the honors and spotlights he gets without paying their dues- without doing their homework. Some may think that he just got lucky and they too may want to try their luck. What such individuals don’t realize is that it took him more than two decades to get here. Worst, some may think that they can attain the level of honor Tamagne has got by choosing shortcuts.
In this article, I’d like to encourage the new generation to despise seeking shortcuts and immediate gratification. Ethiopia has numerous challenges. For the nation to restore her dignity, defeat poverty, and resume her leadership in Africa, she needs multitudes of individuals who are willing; first, to change themselves before they attempt to play their fair share in bringing a lasting change in Ethiopia. I like what Mahatma Gandhi- one of the great ones whose lifestyle I reviewed in my book said: “Be the change you want to see in the world.” Decide today to change by learning from the lifestyles of our great ones such as Abiy, Teddy, Tamagne and many other similar great ones.
Let me quickly give you three things these three individuals share in common. They:
1. Know their passion and gave it all they got. They have been running in their unique lane without duplicating others. They carefully built their brands and focused on what matters the most. They went all in.
2. Have a vivid vision. For instance, Tamagne saw Ethiopia free from brutality. He envisioned the people of Ethiopia finally coming together to live in peace and harmony. This vision kept him going during those dark hours. It empowered him to endure and outlast continual setbacks. It carried him to this historic and colorful day!
3. Embraced values for which they demonstrated unwavering commitment. Persecution from a brutal government and constant threats didn’t stop Tamagne from singing for Ethiopiawinet. They couldn’t silence the man who was the voice for the voiceless.
Your passion maybe is different than theirs. It is also okay if you do have a different kind of vision than they do have. You may not share their values at all. Regardless, you can learn from their lifestyle, the way they have lived among us. Don’t forget. If your desire is to serve your country with your passion, tap into your full potential, and finally die empty, learn from these extraordinary Ethiopians. You don’t need to reinvent the wheel. Know who you really are and your passion. Envision yourself accomplishing your purpose. Discover your core values, and demonstrate a firm commitment to these values. Never go out seeking cheap popularity to enjoy immediate gratification that may come through shortcuts. Pay your dues and in due season you reap its fruits like Tamagne.
[1] Dr. Assegid Habtewold is the author of Unchain Your Greatness- the book dedicated to Dr. Abiy Ahmed. The book is available on Amazon. Assegid can be reached at ahabtewold@yahoo.com
I was at a Kebele (the lowest administrative unit) office for having an identification card. A pretty and coy office girl led me to a desk. The worker, a gentleman with his hair as white as snow, sitting on a swivel chair grabbed a yellow family file. It seemed he was looking for my name in the file. Next, he started filling in my name, age, the organization I am working for… Then, he stopped scribbling and looked at me. He squeezed his little eyes twirling behind a pair of thick spectacles.
“What is your ethnicity?” he inquired.
I looked intently at him without saying a single word. Then, I told him to take down that I am an Ethiopian. The man beamed mockingly and asked me again which ethnic group I belong to. A kind of ‘you idiot, say something about your ethnic background’ question…
“I am serious. I cannot tell you anything else about what you are asking for. Please, put down the word ‘Ethiopian’ in that blank space of the ID card.”
“What a funny guy you are! It seems you are a been to or a diaspora guy! … Hey, the diaspora guy, say something!” He pushed the ID card aside in a sort of dismay reflected in his small contorted face and stared at me leaning his cheek on his palms. He kept on gazing at me for about thirty seconds. Then he said, “I have a lot of things to do, my brother. This is a public spot. It is not a tavern! Did you get me? I can tell you that there is no time for jokes here… At least, try to value the people lined up behind you…” He showed me again a distorted mocking face.
“I cannot tell you anything which is different from what I have just told you, brother.” I was almost irritable. I clinched my fingers which were about to twitch.
“Ok, if you are not ready to tell me where you are from and your ethnicity, my dear diaspora guy, I am going to put in this space your ethnic background… I will do that for you! Does that make sense?”
“What does that mean?” I requested looking at him surprisingly.
“Simple! We all know you people from Amhara. You are always giving rise to problems whenever you are requested this question. So, it is not that much difficult to know who you are… your ethnic background,” he said cheerfully as if he discovered something hidden.
“I did not say I am Amhara. Did I? C’mon! Did you hear me saying that word? Why did you want to jot down that word without getting confirmation from me?”
“Because you Amhara people are so rigid that you are not willing to speak about your ethnic background,” he said showing a look of pride in his face.
“My brother, you are creating a problem. You are uttering what you are supposed to retort by your good-for-nothing bosses. Hey, listen up to me now! I am not ashamed of speaking about myself. Being Amhara, Oromo, Tigre, Wolita, Sidama, Somali, Afari… is not a crime. No need to mention such a thing here. But, what I want to tell you right now is that I don’t feel like carrying that tag! I want you to get that shit out of your head? I say I am an Ethiopian. Put that very word in your card! You have no the slightest right to snatch this title from me. Take heed of the fact that I was born and brought up in this very capital, Addis Ababa. My mother was also born here in this same place. So, what do you think I am? What do you need me to say? Of course, I am an Addis Abeban if you like. Can you jot down that? I tell you something… I want to be identified as an Ethiopian. Did you get that, bro? … Did I make myself clear?”
“Ok, tell me this? … Where is your father from?” he enquired.
“Cool down, bro! You are making a fuss over such a trivial issue. I can’t really tell you where my father is from. He hadn’t told me this before he passed away; neither did my mother. I am very sorry he is nowhere at present to prove this for me… For that matter, none of my family members was interested in this damn thing…” I could not carry on with my talking as he cut in.
“Oh! … What are you talking about? …You are killing my time… my precious time which I should give to the people that need our endeared service here! Please… please! I haven’t got a single minute to spare for you guys. Talking over this thing with you people is nonsense!” He pushed the ID card aside and tapped the table with the tip of his pen calling the next man behind me.
*****
The other day I happened to be in an office for an interview to get a job. After probing me with a lot of questions, one of the examiners put forward to me the same question I am still facing in this country of mine.
“Where are you from?”
“Addis Ababa!” I was as fast as a flung-out pen knife to give my response politely.
“I mean your ethnicity… what is your ethnicity?” He said with broad but false smile.
‘Oh, my God! What is the significance of asking about ethnicity for a job which commonly demands professional efficiency?’ I taught to myself. Then, I cleared my throat and said: “I don’t know if this is… I mean…eh… eh… I was born and raised here in Addis Ababa. I think you can take down that I am an Ethiopian… Will you, please? I am sorry, I have no any idea for sure about my ethnic back ground.”
All the examiners suddenly burst in to laughter. Some of them were seen wiping their smiling wet eyes. What blunder did I make to swipe these gentlemen with laughter? … I was dumbfounded to notice that they were looking at me as if I came down from planet Mars. After this, I realized on the dot that I lost the chance of having the job… Then after, I heard from one of the examiners the last words. “Thank you for coming for the interview. We are through with our questions. You can go!”
I lost many things over the past 27 years for such simple thing. I have been deprived of my right to be an Ethiopian. I was rather made a laughingstock by some naïve individuals who failed to understand me. Some say with laughter making fun of me saying, “yearada lij biher yelewim”. This is to mean that a city boy has no ethnicity. This was our Ethiopia in which many poor innocent citizens like me were not given the chance to be Ethiopians.
Now the bygone time is long-gone (I believe it is a long-gone time). So, let bygones be bygones! … This day, things have been changed. We are embarking on the threshold of reform. The crooked act of belittling our Ethiopia in the bygone times has gone never to return. Therefore, please do give me back my Ethiopia. Allow me to be an Ethiopian. Don’t give me the go-by.
Addis Abeba, September 04/2018 – In the last few days, Abiy Ahmed, the Ethiopian Prime Minister, did two things that are remarkable – which, I fear, could disappear into the speed and vastness of his reform effort. Firstly, the Prime Minister, along with the Addis Abeba deputy mayors, Takele Uma and Dagmawit Moges, visited Emahoy Adugna Guta, a frail old lady who is living in a leaking shanty house, not very far from his office. Emahoy was not expecting a visitor; certainly not someone from the highest office in the land. But, they walked in – totally unannounced. Not surprisingly, it took PM Abiy some convincing to help Emahoy Adugna believe that the person talking to her is the Ethiopian Prime Minister. Her immediate reaction was, “Wait, why did you do this? I could have died of a heart attack”. In a typical Ethiopian fashion, she shared her meal with all of them, and PM Abiy called her “my neighbor”. He then initiated the rebuilding of her house, and the youth in the area followed suit.
Secondly, he invited young kids from a very poor background to his office and provided them with school materials for the new school year. The kids might run out of those materials in a few months. However, he offered something that would stay with them for the rest of their life: a very candid story of his own upbringing. “In your age”, he said, “my life was not very different from yours”. “I was brought up in a poor family”, he continued, “so, I didn’t get clothes whenever I want, or even schooling material whenever I needed”. He told the students that he had to walk each day very far because there is no school in the village he was living. “However”, he reminded them, “I had a strong conviction that I could overcome those challenges. Such a conviction, coupled with hard work, has got me where I am today”.
As I said elsewhere, Abiy came to the Ethiopian political scene as an educator-in-chief. He brought a relatively abstract social concept of “medemer” – what could now be considered as an Ethiopian philosophy of togetherness – to Ethiopian political discourse. The two acts can be seen as concrete translations of his philosophy – the togetherness that bridged age and social class. These practical examples matter, especially to those young minds.
Anger and inspiration
Abiy’s candid story reminds me of my own struggles as a kid who was brought up in a very poor village in Southern Ethiopia. Life in this village was cyclic. Things, including seasons and social behavior, flow in a predictable rhythm. As children of subsistent farmers, we were bound to repeat the same pattern of life. Education was the only thing that could disrupt the predictable flow of life. Therefore, education, for me and my peers, was a form of rebellion – rebellion to find our unique individuality. We saw it as a way of ensuring we exist as individuals. We wanted to exist without subscribing to cultural practices imposed on us, without reciting our seven forefathers to find our place in the community (a usual practice in my culture) and without succumbing to religious categories shoved down our throat before we’re able to ask the question of “what?” and “why?”. Education, therefore, was a liberating, but a risky venture. However, we needed an inspiration. Then, we found Watumo – the first college graduate (to my knowledge) from the area. I have never met him to this day. He was like a mythical figure. We were told that he has joined the elites in Addis Abeba, a place we could only hope to see one day.
Then, we had Mengistu Hailemariam at the helm of power. I was too young to fully appreciate the political complexity of the time; but my memory of Mengistu as a kid was that he was an angry person. One of the dramatic demonstrations of his anger is a sight where he throws a bottle full of red substance at the famous Mesqel Square to symbolize the blood shade of his enemies. As an angry leader, he set an example. Anger, therefore, permeated the social fabric of the nation. Anger became a culture.
The culture of anger threatened the aspiration of myself and my peers in myriads of ways; but suffice to mention just a few. Firstly, like the Prime Minister, we used to walk to school for two hours (four hours back and forth) a day – all the way from Hagge to Bobicho. No shoes for our feet. No lunch box. Worse, when we were late for flag hoisting ceremony in the morning, we knew an angry head teacher with a stick in hand is waiting for us. We will join the class tired but also physically and mentally bruised. The contagion of anger also affected teachers in the class. I remember being flogged by my mathematics teacher because I gave him a wrong answer. Since that day, I harbored fear and resentment towards the teacher as well as the subject. I reconciled with my former teacher later on when we met each other on a different platform; but my hostility towards mathematics is still there.
Senior students also found glamorous side to anger. It was taken as a means of getting attention, and a tool of exercising dominion over the juniors. Nuramo was a senior student from our village. He was a bulky and muscular figure. Our parents entrusted him with the responsibility to look after us, especially when we leave for school before dawn, and when we return home after dusk. Yes, he did protect us from external attacks (i.e. wild animals and boys from other villages), but he often subscribed to anger to solicit unconditional obedience from us. He had an abysmal Amharic language skill, I remember, but none of us dared to correct him. In fact, at times, we had to repeat the same mistaken grammar because we feared that he might take our relatively correct Amharic as a critique.
Even with these multi-layered challenges, the story of one individual inspired some of us to escape the cycle and find our individuality.
Restoration
Ethiopia has seen enough anger – anger that consumed generations, and laid talents to a waste. The TPLF-dominated regime of EPRDF did not change this culture in the past 27 years; it only added tribal flavor to it. Far from perfect, Abiy has proven that he is a human in every sense of the word. He had his moments of slip-ups, and there will be more. However, in him, Ethiopia has seen signs of grace and generosity that sustained the country despite political malaise. His personal story is an example of discipline and hard work. We can debate his political ideology and the trajectories of his policies. Equally important, however, are the values he has brought to Ethiopian politics. In the moments of national fragility, Ethiopia needs the value of showing solidarity with the weakest and strangers. In times of despair, struggling kids need an inspiring storyteller who would say with candor, “I have been where you are; but I made it to the top”. True national restoration requires more than the right political ideology and fitting policies. It also demands being intentional about transforming the value system. AS
Editor’s Note: Mohammed Girma has a background in social and political philosophy with a special focus on religious nationalism. Girma is the author of Understanding Religion and Social Change in Ethiopia (Palgrave Macmillan 2012); co-editor of Christian Citizenship in the Middle East: Divided Allegiance or Dual Belonging (JKP, 2017), and the editor of The Healing of Memories: African Christian Response to Politically Induced Trauma (Rowman & Littlefield, 2018). He tweets at @girma_mohammed
Because the Battle of Adwa proved that the colonizer doesn’t always win.
As battle waged around them, the generals of the various armies that had come together as a united Ethiopian force under Emperor Menelik II directed combat. Empress Taytu Betul, Menelik’s formidable wife, was no exception. Not only did she exhort the 5,000 men of her personal army to be more courageous, she also mobilized the 10,000 or so women in the camp to form a supply chain to transport jugs of water from a nearby stream to Ethiopia’s thirsty warriors.
The Battle of Adwa, on March 1, 1896, sent shock waves around the world (“The pope is greatly disturbed,” reported The New York Times) and turned the narrative of colonialism on its head. Menelik’s army killed 3,000 Italian troops, captured another 1,900 as prisoners of war and seized an estimated 11,000 rifles, 4 million cartridges and 56 cannons. The emperor’s ability to assemble a force of at least 80,000, says Raymond Jonas, author of The Battle of Adwa: African Victory in the Age of Empire, and to organize and sustain them on a monthslong campaign was “unprecedented in 19th-century Africa.”
Prior to the 1850s, Ethiopia and Italy didn’t even exist, but over the next few decades, as chieftains and princes jostled for power, the two nations began to take shape in the minds of their inhabitants. By the time Italy arrived in Africa, a bit late to the party, most of the spoils had already been divvied up among the more established European powers. Except, that is, for Ethiopia — geographically and culturally a tougher prospect — which remained unclaimed in the Scramble for Africa.
THE DECISIVE VICTORY AT ADWA AFFIRMED ETHIOPIA’S SOVEREIGNTY AND SHOWED BOTH AFRICANS AND EUROPEANS THAT COLONIAL CONQUEST WAS NOT INEVITABLE.
The Italians fortified several bases near the Red Sea and then gradually ventured inland. “Taking a page from the British book of colonial domination,” writes Theodore Vestal in The Battle of Adwa: Reflections on Ethiopia’s Historic Victory Against European Colonialism, they “pursued a policy of divide and conquer,” providing arms to any chiefs hostile to Yohannes IV, Ethiopia’s emperor until he was killed in battle in 1889. It was then that the Italians immediately moved to solidify their foothold by negotiating with the new emperor, Menelik II.
Menelik, from Ethiopia’s historically weaker southern region, owed much to his wife, Taytu. Their marriage, says Jonas, was “one of the great political unions of modern times.” She came from a wealthy northern family, which “added geographical balance to the ticket,” and she possessed a cunning political mind and a deep mistrust of Europeans.
The Treaty of Wuchalé, signed in both Italian and Amharic in May 1889, provided the pretext for the Battle of Adwa. Under the treaty, the Italians were given large swaths of land in exchange for a hefty loan of cash, arms and ammunition. “The pièce de résistance for the Italians,” writes Vestal, was the clause obligating Menelik to conduct all foreign affairs via Italy. “The Amharic version made such service by the Italians optional,” notes Vestal. Some have argued that Menelik was aware of the discrepancy, treating it as a convenient fiction that would deliver short-term gains (guns, money) before ultimately disentangling himself from it.
Italy formed its first colony, Eritrea, in 1890; two years later, the Italians persuaded Great Britain to recognize the whole of Ethiopia as a sphere of Italian interest. It all came tumbling down in 1893, however, when Menelik denounced the Wuchalé treaty and any foreign claim to his dominions. Menelik repaid the loan “with three times the stipulated interest,” notes Vestal, but kept the guns.
Italy responded by annexing small territories near the Eritrean border, shipping over tens of thousands of troops and seeking to subvert Menelik’s power base by entering into agreements with provincial leaders. Menelik, a “master of the sport of personal advancement through intrigue,” according to Vestal, convinced the provincial rulers that the Italian threat was so grave that they must resist as a united force rather than “seek to exploit it to their own ends.”
Unite they did — bringing us back to the bloody Battle of Adwa. Taytu, not surprisingly, proposed harsh punishments for the Italian prisoners: Dismemberment, castration and execution were on her wish list. But her husband adopted a more strategic stance, says Jonas: “He realized the considerable bargaining leverage of the soldiers,” and used it to negotiate a treaty that recognized Ethiopia’s independence and included a considerable cash indemnity from the Italians.
With Taytu (and other Ethiopian generals) urging Menelik to consolidate their victory by advancing into Eritrea and expelling the Italians from the continent, Menelik once again took a more measured response. Jonas argues that here too he got it right: “He’d already done an amazing job of holding together his army over huge distances, but it’s hard to say whether he could have managed all the way to the coast” — especially when more troops would be arriving from Italy. Either way, Menelik’s decision formalized the divide between Ethiopia and Eritrea.
The decisive victory at Adwa affirmed Ethiopia’s sovereignty and showed both Africans and Europeans that colonial conquest was not inevitable. In Italy, isolated protests erupted to decry the very idea of colonialism, but these were met by a more widespread desire for revenge. Eventually the Italian government decided to hang on to Eritrea and play at being better neighbors with Menelik. (That said, Italy’s national shame over its defeat had a lot to do with Mussolini’s invasion of Ethiopia four decades later.)
While Adwa continues as a source of great pride for Ethiopia, it has not brought the kind of prosperity Taytu and Menelik would have hoped for. The country evaded colonization, but it has never achieved democracy, and the current government’s policy of ethnic federalism is the antithesis of Menelik’s vision of strength through unity.
In recent months, however, the founder of modern Ethiopia may be resting more comfortably in his ornate mausoleum: Since taking office in April, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has fired corrupt civil servants, freed political prisoners and normalized relations with Eritrea.
After a year of political upheaval and mass protests, Ethiopia’s autocratic government has been suggesting that it might be willing to transform its elections-for-show into elections that are genuinely free and fair. Within the past year, the government has freed its political prisoners. Its prime minister resigned. The ruling coalition held its first-ever contested elections to replace him — and selected the protesters’ choice of Abiy Ahmed, the first time that a prime minister had come from the Oromo ethnic group.
In July, while visiting Washington, Abiy told a group of thousands of expatriate Ethiopian dissidents that his “ultimate goal is to ensure that a democratic election takes place in Ethiopia.”
But many obstacles block that path. Here’s what has to happen before Ethiopia can hold a truly democratic election.
The Ethiopian government has been working against free and fair elections for a long time
In the early 1990s, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) overthrew the communist military regime — and has kept itself in power since. A coalition of several ethnic groups that was controlled by the ethnic minority Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), the EPRDF party has stunted political opposition by jailing dissidents, coercing citizens into joining the party and reportedly committing electoral fraud. Its regular elections thus have not shaken its widespread reputation as an authoritarian state.
To hold truly competitive elections in 2020, Ethiopia may need to repeal certain oppressive laws and stop the EPRDF from siphoning off state resources to distribute to its supporters in exchange for power. At the same time, the coalition party must manage hard-liners within the coalition to prevent them from undermining efforts at democracy, as suggested by political scientist Milan Svolik’s work on authoritarian governance.
[Why is Ethiopia in upheaval? This brief history explains a lot.]
1. Laws limiting free association and free speech
In 2005, after the EPRDF liberalized the country’s political landscape, two opposition coalitions won an unprecedented number of seats, together gaining about a quarter of the seats in the national Parliament. Although the EPRDF remained in power, it cracked down again. The government detained opposition politicians and sent security forces to fire on protesters. Further, it passed laws that criminalized dissent and changed the country’s electoral system to give itself more likely seats.
As part of the crackdown, the EPRDF passed two notably repressive laws. The 2009 Charities and Societies Act prohibited any organization from funding its human rights work by receiving more than 10 percent of that budget from abroad. The 2009 Anti-Terrorism Proclamation uses what human rights groups consider an “an overly broad and vague definition of terrorism” to curtail freedom of speech, allowing the government to arrest citizens for criticizing the government.
The ruling party used the Charities and Societies law to harass groups such as the Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association and the Human Rights Council, even freezing their bank accounts. It used the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation to silence journalists, political opposition members and dissident bloggers. Abiy has begun talks to reform or repeal both of these laws.
2. Distributing largesse to party members — while punishing dissenters
After the troubled 2005 elections, the government delayed the country’s regional and local elections for two years. In that time, the EPRDF expanded its party membershipfourfold through a combination of carrots and sticks. The party also increased the number of elected local positions, diluting the political opposition’s power, since it didn’t have enough people to run for every seat.
As a result, in the 2008 elections, the EPRDF won more than 99.9 percent of the 3.5 million positions governing the local positions in the kebele (the smallest administrative unit, akin to a neighborhood) and woreda (district) elections. These officials distribute government goods such as seeds, fertilizer, credit and other agricultural basics — and are in charge of community courts, local prisons and sometimes local militia. That means that local EPRDF officials could reward supporters and punish opponents — either by offering or refusing goods, or implicitly threatening police monitoring and harassment.
And according to a Human Rights Watch investigation, that’s what happened. Kebele officials discriminated against those who were not members of the EPRDF.
This pattern of patronage has made it difficult to build successful opposition parties, since the opposition could neither reward party loyalty nor protect against punishment, as the EPRDF could. If the EPRDF wants competitive democratic elections, it would have to dismantle this government-backed system of patronage and punishment. But the tentative reform agenda Abiy has put forward has already disturbed some powerful party insiders.
3. The TPLF — used to being in charge — isn’t happy
Abiy’s promises have been greeted by jubilant crowds in Ethiopia and internationally. But to succeed, he has to bring along the rest of his ruling coalition.
The EPRDF is a multiethnic coalitioncomprising four main political parties — the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO), the Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM), the Southern Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement and the TPLF. That last controlled the coalition until Abiy, an Oromo, stepped in. The TPLF has publicly criticized a peace deal that Abiy brokered, which ended two decades of war between Ethiopia and Eritrea.
[Did someone try to assassinate Ethiopia’s new prime minister? Here’s what you need to know.]
And observers say that the TPLF opposes Abiy’s efforts to untangle the party’s involvement with certain industries and economic sectors controlled by the party, and which party members have used to line their pockets or reward “military cronies.” The TPLF could block reforms — serving as what political scientist George Tsebelis calls a “veto player.”
4. Empowering political opposition
The anti-government protests have wrought serious change and may have the infrastructure to start building healthy opposition parties. But they’re not fully developed yet. After decades of being shut out of power, jailed, silenced and attacked, they aren’t yet able to compete fairly with the well-resourced and dominant EPRDF.
If Abiy or the international community want free and fair elections, they need to invest in and help political dissidents who are trying to build political parties and end the local administrative monopoly on government support. And as political scientist Stephen Brown showed a decade ago, the international community can’t build democracy in the face of active government repression and domestic conditions that discourage competition.
The possibility of free, fair and competitive elections in Ethiopia depends on how dedicated the EPRDF may be to dismantling the barriers it has spent decades building up.
Correction: Because of an editing error, an earlier version of this article said that Abiy was the first non-Tigrayan prime minister since the rise of the EPRDF. That is incorrect; he is the first Oromo prime minister. We regret the error.
We are good people. We’re rich in culture and history. Most importantly, Ethiopia is endowed with untapped natural resources and human potential. But, we are among the poorest in the world and kept fighting one another for decades. Let’s be honest, our institutions are broken and our systems aren’t efficient and up-to-date. In short, it doesn’t take a rocket science to know that we’re lagging behind, even using Africa’s standard.
We have to be honest if our desire is to attain a sustainable change. If we are genuinely ready to achieve a lasting change, we have to start admitting our failures as a society. We cannot succeed in transforming the nation without being honest about where we are NOW and how far low we have become We have to take responsibility individually and collectively!
That being said, however, since we’re approaching the Ethiopian New Year, I’m not going to spend a lot of time complaining about what is wrong about us and with us. Rather, I’d like to focus on the good news as we Ethiopians are ready to enter into the New Year. Thanks to God, the commitment of many selfless and untiring individuals, groups such as Team Lemma, and our new PM- Abiy, the giant in us has been awakened. We are hopeful and determined to change the destiny of this nation. And, we have what it takes to do so!!!
Nonetheless, we shouldn’t fool ourselves. First of all, we have to acknowledge the old wisdom; we cannot put new wine into old wineskin. We cannot practice new change ideas and succeed using old mindsets, attitudes, personalities, and skillsets. Second, this journey is neither easy nor short. The honeymoon period that we have been in the past more than three months should soon be over and we must roll our sleeves up in this upcoming year to do some serious deconstructions and constructions. We must destroy what hasn’t been working before we build new ones. We have to be courageous to recognize the mindsets and attitudes that led us to where we are and dare to substitute them with new ones that can take us to our dream place as a nation. We have to identify the knowledge and skill gaps that exist, and vow to build our capacity to raise world-class workforce. Without the latter, we cannot transform Ethiopia and change not only the destiny of the contemporary generation but also generations to come.
This rewarding journey, nevertheless, should begin from where we have the most control- from ourselves! We cannot force others to change. We don’t have control. Let’s start where we have the most control and maybe then we may influence others to change, and collectively build a New Ethiopia based on love, forgiveness, tolerance, inclusiveness, excellence, hard work, dedication, and so on.
I cannot emphasize this enough. The protracted and twisted journey of building a New Ethiopia that feeds her people, creates an environment where her diverse children live in peace and harmony, a nation that competes regionally, and becomes an exemplary nation in Africa must begin by first changing ourselves from within. The image that we have within reflects outwardly. We only harvest what we sow. The mindset, attitude, and personality that we have had individually and collectively brought us this far. And, we don’t like where we have been thus far. It must change but the place where we initiate that change should be from within. We shouldn’t keep pointing our fingers toward third parties and others for where we are. Most importantly, let’s not decide to wait and see before we change. Let’s not also wait until others change before we see the change we desperately looking for. Let’s take charge and own our own limitations and shortcomings. When we do that, we actually become empowered and in control.
On the other hand, when we blame others for our predicaments or wait on others to bring the change that we would like to see, we are admitting, indirectly, that we’re victims, helpless, and out of control. While we are in this pitiful position, we’re too weak and too soft to bring any change in our own lives, let alone among our communities, organizations, and nationally. Don’t empower your enemies and the things that victimized you. Tell them that you are in charge and can overcome them in the upcoming New Year. You have what it takes within to transform yours and your community’s destiny!
Thus, use this upcoming New Year as a turning point. Stop using some lame excuses and blaming others for where you are. Don’t wait on others. First change your mindset, attitude, and build a personality that embraces love, forgiveness, equality, justice, and hard work. That is when you will begin to see the change you would like to see happening around you.
We have a New PM who talks about New Ethiopia. Let the New Year be the beginning of your New You. Let your New Year’s resolution list reflect that!
You have a seed of greatness within. You’re wonderfully made to shine in this world. You’re one of the solutions your community has been desperately waiting for. Don’t disappoint them in this coming New Year. Unchain the great potential in you to serve others, your organization, and nation.
Remember, not great laws, institutions, infrastructure, and technologies that resulted great nations. Only great individuals can build a great nation! And, you have greatness chained within you. Begin unchaining it to unchain the destiny of your nation!
In conclusion, use this New Year to nourish and cultivate the great potential you carry within. Discover your uniqueness and your passion to serve others. Grow individually and professionally. Wherever you are, whether you’re in school, college, in business or politics, or doing research or what have you, play your share by building your capacity and committing yourself to excellence.
Be proactive to build the new mindset, attitude, personality, character, and skillsets the new Ethiopia desperately needs. Play your part and inspire others to do so. Go beyond talk, wish, and hope alone. Do something about it and launch yourself, and in turn, your community and country to greatness. Don’t forget. Mere slogans, tones of meetings, and social media posts alone- without actually undergoing change within and growing consistently to shoulder your responsibilities, don’t help you nor your beloved community and country to experience lasting transformation.
Let this year be the year you are going to build your self before you attempt to build others and the nation.
Let your New Year’s resolution be different this time. Straighten up your priorities. Let the coming year be the year you’ll embrace a NEW mindset, attitude, and personality that contribute toward building the New Ethiopia we all wish to see.
Let this coming year be that year you have been waiting for so long. Commit in your New Year’s Resolution first to learn, grow, and build yourself so that you can serve others with excellence and contribute your fair share in building the New Ethiopia. Happy New Year!!!
[1] Dr. Assegid Habtewold is the author of Unchain Your Greatness- the book dedicated to Dr. Abiy Ahmed. The book is available on Amazon. Assegid can be reached at ahabtewold@yahoo.com
This is the way I understand and see one of the very recent tragic happenings in our country:
Following the Federal Police statement or report, so many and so different views and comments are being circulated around the very tragic death ofengineer Simegnew Bekele. It has to be underscored that this is neither beyond expectation nor unhealthy. It is something to be expected and to be taken as a healthy thing as long as it is handled in such a way that it could lead to an irrefutable (undeniable) fact and truth.
It is not wrong to be doubtful and to present our demand to the government (the Police) and urge them to come up with a complete finding including what made the engineer commit suicide. Yes, it is the right thing to put a maximum pressure on the Police/government that it is absolutely necessary not to leave any stone unturned and make the case crystal clear and greatly teachable as far as how justice should be served is concerned.
It makes sense to let the Police know that it should be as effective and transparent as it is expected to be so in its investigative undertakings.
It is the right thing to seriously remind the Police that because of the very ugly political atmosphere in the country, things are overshadowed by a very thick and poisonous political cloud, and there is a desperate need to be as meticulously (extremely careful) and clear as possible.
It is quite right and legitimate to urge the Police/ government that even if the engineer could take his own life, there is a desperate need to go into the very bottom of the reasons or causes behind this tragic happening. I strongly believe that this should be the way the people need to be reactive or responsive, not over- reactive and unconstructively responsive.
On the other side of the story;
The very argument that the engineer cannot make a serious mistake as any human being for any reason he might have in his mind, and cannot take his own life does not make sense at all. Because this kind of action is not a matter of being popular or famous in any type of status at all. It is a tragic action that can happen to any human being regardless of his or her status in a society as the result of his or her own reason in his or her mind. To take this case of the engineer as an exception, there is a compelling need to reveal a very vivid and concrete or beyond doubt evidence.
So, the very much generalized or politically motivated mind- set or way of thinking that the engineer cannot kill himself does not make sense at all. It is better to try to present our demand to the Police to go into the very bottom of the case and come up with a complete finding and make it irrefutable as well as teachable moment.
Trying to automatically dismissand reject the Police report because it did not fit our highly politicized expectations is terribly wrong. It is absurd to automatically call the report a political conspiracy without presenting any evidence of counter –evidence of ours.
It is true that because of the horribly messed up politics in our country, we are victims of politicizing everything. We are in a very sad situation to the extent of losing any trust among ourselves let alone with institutions that are still suffering from the very evil-guided political agenda and action of EPRDF. That is the very reason why we are in a state of total denial of what the Police is doing or discharging its duty including this specific case of engineer Simegnew Bekele.
So, if we are genuine and serious enough about this horrible mistrust and distrust, we have to exert much more concerned struggle and make a fundamental change of a system that can make Ethiopia a country of justice, democratic freedom, transparency, responsibility, accountability, mutual understanding and mutual trust. We remain victims of terribly messed up situation until we accomplish this very tough but desperately indispensable mission. I hope we will and can do!
Making big noises, engaging in terrible decry and cry about the occurrences of horrible things here and there will never take us anywhere!!!
I strongly argue and believe that especially those media which have relatively good credibility and popular support such as ESAT need to be extra -cautious whenever they discuss on these kinds of both legally and politically extremely sensitive issues. I understand the very provocative if not tempting political atmosphere going on in our country. But there is a desperate need from the very side of those media not lose the very necessity of keeping the balance between informing the people and creating awareness on the one hand, and engaging in an extremely sensitive issue of legal matters which is of course suffering from a highly inflammable and toxic political atmosphere.
Yes, we are in a very tough and highly emotional political atmosphere. But I truly believe we can deal with it in a very sense of civility, maturity, rationality, tolerance, and farsightedness!!! I hope justice will be served as far as this very tragic death of the engineer is concerned!!!
Beside an internationally recognized physical boundary, a name, a flag, or a currency, what makes a country a country and a nation is but its national language.
Despite attempts to down play it, a national language is a clear indicator that represents the national identity of a country. Indeed, language is a sensitive issue. It is sensitive because it’s not only part of a nation but also a person’s heritage. Fluency in the national language will surely enable the person to fully understand that community’s particular nuances and cultural aspects.
National language is a driving force behind unity of the nation’s people, and makes them distinct from other nations. Fluency in the national language will surely help foster a shared sense of national identity. Giving respect to one’s national language means that it should be one’s primary language, as well as the preferred source of communication at every level. This does not mean that one should not use his/her native tongue or even know as many languages as one can absorb.
History is replete of leaders who tried their best to strengthen the national language. China’s revolutionary leader Mao Zedong was such a leader. In fact, despite knowing many other languages, he never used them, in his official addresses, and preferred to use Chinese as his medium of communication.
When language differences are over blown and used as critical points of differences, they will create division and contention and even lead to a disintegration of a nation. Language Movement was the main cause for the separation of one part of Pakistan into Bangladesh.
The 1973 constitution of Pakistan promulgated Urdu to be the national language of Pakistan and mandated that Urdu be used for official and other purposes in the place of English within 15 years. Yet, fast forward to today, because of a lack of a concerted effort to make Urdu a national language as set out by the constitution, English (the colonial language) continues to be the de facto national language for official purposes. Consequently, Pakistan is witnessing an increase in the number of youth whose command of the Urdu language seems to be on a downward trend — in fact far removed from their indigent national language. On the other hand, English is becoming the symbol of the upper class elite and an inaccurate benchmark by which one’s literacy is judged. The same phenomenon is increasingly being seen in Ethiopia and particularly in Addis.
A cursory reading of world history provides ample evidence that countries that respect their own national language has demonstrably excelled in economy and development. Take Germany and China which love their language and literature and still are more developed and stronger than those which do not do so.
I am not arguing, to be clear, that the Ethiopian people should stop using and developing the more than 80 languages in favor of Amharic. On the contrary, these languages should be studied and developed. Yet, the government should reverse course and make a serious effort to cultivate and encourage the use of Amharic language as the country’s national language. After all, Amharic is an indigent Ethiopian language which is widely spoken and has served and continue to serve as the official national language of the country.
If good faith prevails, it is my hope and prayer Ethiopia will not follow suit of India, Pakistan or all other countries who adopted their colonizers languages instead of their national language.
The release of political prisoners, the pardoning of exiled politicians who were sentenced to death in absentia, and the returning of political parties that chose to employ armed struggle are some of the most important milestones since the selection of Abiy Ahmed as the new PM of Ethiopia. These and many other reform measures that have been taken by the ruling party are encouraging and are the right steps in the right direction that solidify the change process that began a couple of months ago.
Let me quickly express what I felt this morning when I saw the warm reception residents of Addis Ababa afforded to the leadership of AG7 including the former democratically elected mayor of Addis- Brehanu Nega. Knowing some of the leaders on the stage and their high professional caliber and what they gave up to stand up against the brutality and inhuman treatments of Ethiopians, I couldn’t help it except to take off my hat to the people of Addis who came out in mass honoring these gentlemen.
These leaders would have achieved great heights if they had pursued their respective professional path like many of us here in the Diaspora. Rather, they dedicated their profession, health, family, and so on in order to fight for freedom, democracy, and justice. I don’t have proofs but I’m sure that not all of the hundreds of thousands of people who came out to welcome these leaders are members and/or supporters of AG7. For that matter, you don’t need to buy into the party’s ideologies and program, you don’t need to agree with what the leaders say and do to recognize their service. It shouldn’t be that hard to come out and honor such individuals who sacrificed a lot for their nation and its people, and the people of Addis did an honorable thing when they came out in mass to acknowledge their contribution and to show their respect.
Once I addressed my emotional feeling, as a leadership expert and student of change management, let me just pick one important section from Brehanu’s speech and say a few things. To give you a little background, I’d been writing in the last three years until Abiy was selected as the new PM urging all political parties to come to the negotiation table for a win-win deal to avoid unnecessary bloodshed and chaos. Actually, I used a scenario planning tool and wrote an article that was posted on some Diaspora websites that showed what was going to happen if they had failed to negotiate on time. Unfortunately, nobody listened. Especially, TPLF had a chance to create that environment- the environment that we witness these days but they refused and remained stubborn.
In that writing, I did put forward four scenarios that might come to pass including a coup d’etat from within the ruling party. Interestingly, the coup was boiling under the surface and successfully took place over three months ago. Of course, as I already wrote about it a couple of months ago, the coup, for the first time in our political history, was peaceful. It was led by Team Lemma.
I was super happy that the deadlock ended up that way without any bloodshed. However, since the election of Abiy, another issue I have been talking and writing about has been the need for all stakeholders to reach consensus on major national issues including how the overall change process should be handled as quickly as possible. To be honest, I’ve been expecting Abiy’s new administration to come up with a clear framework that may guide the nation throughout the change process. I was also anticipating the administration to propose a national consensus document and to put it forward for further discussion. These haven’t happened thus far.
Today, I was glad that AG7 proposed a three-phase process intended to guide the overall change process. I strongly believe that before parties compete in the upcoming national election in two years, the nation should reach a national consensus. That journey, nevertheless, should begin as immediately as possible. Key stakeholders must quickly be on the same page concerning the framework that guides the overall national transformation process. It’s critical to understand that we don’t have a lot of time. The nation must reach national consensus before the next general election.
Therefore, the ruling party, other oppositions, and key stakeholders should tap into this opportunity and respond to AG7’s proposed framework. Express officially whether you agree with the proposal or not. You may also suggest amendments. Or, even better, why don’t you come up with your own better proposal if you think you have one. By all means, this is high time key stakeholders to be on the same page concerning the ongoing change process. Each stakeholder should be clear about the overall phases of the change, what should be done in each phase, who is expected to do what, and so on.
My suggestion is to call a national forum that brings key stakeholders to engage in a consultative meeting. This meeting should agree on major items and then establish a task force consisted of representatives from key stakeholders. These individuals should come up with detailed modalities. The final document should be used to gather inputs from the public. Key stakeholders should finally endorse the final version and work constructively for its successful implementation.
We shouldn’t do things on the fly and expect ourselves to end up in a better place than where we have been thus far. We should be well organized. A change process as critical and grand as this one shouldn’t be left for chance. We have to start a new working culture.
This is historic, and once in a generation opportunity and should be treated delicately, professionally, and in an organized and timely fashion. It should be treated as a project. And, successful projects start by having a successful initiation phase that engages all key stakeholders until they become on the same page about what must change, what must not change, how the overall process should proceed, and the key deliverables… Let me stop it here.
[1] Dr. Assegid Habtewold is the author of Unchain Your Greatness- the book dedicated to Dr. Abiy Ahmed. The book is available on Amazon. Assegid can be reached at ahabtewold@yahoo.com
BY NICK DALL
We have to take responsibility individually and collectively!
